Will the real Opposition emerge under Magufuli’s repressive CCM?

Will the real Opposition emerge under Magufuli’s repressive CCM?

Zitto Kabwe

When President Magufuli was addressing a political rally in Manyoni Township, Singida region on the 29th July 2016, he referred to the opposition in Tanzania as a dying snake. He said “after you cut off a snake’s head, it keeps thrashing its tail. You may think it hasn’t died, but it has”. It appears that he believes the recent announced move of protests by the leading opposition party in Tanzania, CHADEMA, are signs of a dying party. He said “where are those parties? They are dead.” In the same rally he dared CHADEMA to go to the streets and demonstrate. The President threatened in ‘street’ Swahili “watakiona cha mtema kuni. Wasinijaribu. Sijaribiki.” Meaning he isn’t testable and he will crash them heavily.

CHADEMA announced a new operation called UKUTA, meaning an alliance against dictatorship in Tanzania. The Swahili word ‘ Umoja’, which I translated here as an alliance, is actually misused since it was the decision of one party. Even parties under UKAWA, a consortium of opposition parties that supports the people’s constitution, are not part of UKUTA. How CHADEMA ended up using the word Umoja is either a result of arrogance, ignorance or simply a lack of a proper word to have in an announce-able term UKUTA, which literarily means the WALL. President Magufuli may have interpreted the lack of an actual alliance as an indication of the fall of UKAWA, thus the snake parable.

The President is prone to issuing threats. He appears to enjoy it. In his coronation as the chairperson of CCM, he raised eyebrows when he said that had he been a CCM leader during its presidential primaries, he would have liquidated all CCM congress national executive members who were pro-Edward Lowassa. When the Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces makes a remark like that, it is really threatening. If he cannot tolerate dissent within his own party what will he do to the opposition? The dead snake parable leaves a lot to be desired.

For years opposition activists and some political analysts have been predicting the end of the CCM regime. In the course of three elections, CCM’s popularity has been dwindling from 80% in the year 2005 to 61% in 2010 and 58% in 2015 (if we can take official Presidential elections results as an indication of overall party popularity). The last election was a clear test of CCM’s ability to maintain power as several of its influential members left for the opposition including two Former Prime Ministers who are now in CHADEMA. However, since the election of Magufuli as President and eventually the head of CCM, the party seems to be charting ways to survive. Will CCM survive? Will the opposition thrive? These are the questions I attempt to put to the readers of this article and our political analysts who are seemingly muted.

CCM is an authoritarian party in all sense and purpose. It is a dominant single party with some ability to adapt. President Kikwete’s methods of adaptation were through opening up; for example, allowing the Parliament to hold the Executive to account. He lost a prime minister following a parliamentary work and reshuffled his cabinet thrice, strengthened the National Audit Office and allowed free debate of the Controller and Auditor General (CAG) report of government accounts and did not hinder opposition parties to operate freely and organize. He faced criticism within CCM for being too liberal and later the opposition called him weak. Kikwete’s guided nomination of Magufuli as CCM presidential candidate is arguably one of his Machiavellian tactics of survival. President Magufuli in particular and CCM in general takes the opposite route to Kikwete. The true colours of an authoritarian, dominant CCM are starting to show.

Authoritarian parties like CCM have two main goals. First, to hold onto power by eliminating real and perceived threats. Second, to generate popular support in order to achieve development goals. In his book, The Dictator’s Dilemma, Bruce Dickson (2016) observes that the above goals are achieved through the survival strategy of legitimation, co-optation and repression.

President Magufuli’s legitimation process is through war on corruption, ambitious development agenda and straight talk to the population. After he came to power in November 2015, he launched a crackdown against corruption and has continued the crackdown ever since. He has as well announced anti corruption crackdown within CCM. His anti corruption platform has been a platform of the opposition for a decade. The author and his colleagues, like the former CHADEMA Secretary General, Wilbrod Slaa, used the parliament to legitimise opposition politics by raising corruption scandals and holding the government to account. The opposition in general and CHADEMA in particular lost the platform during the 2015 elections and literally handed it to the CCM candidate. Other parties like ACT Wazalendo had a more clear agenda on anti-corruption but its voice wasn’t heard in the campaign dominated by two candidates, one from CCM and the other a former CCM ex-Prime Minister running under the opposition alliance ticket of UKAWA. The CCM candidate was announced winner and he wasted no time in starting an anti-corruption agenda. He now owns it.

Tanzanians hated CCM because of, among other things, its inherently corrupt nature. The people of Tanzania have started to fall in love with the new no nonsense leader. He got them instantly and the opposition lost an agenda despite trying to discredit him on his lack of following due process. The opposition used elitist arguments. The common man and woman just wants action, not legal technicalities and that’s what the President is giving them.

President Magufuli sugarcoated the anti-corruption agenda with an ambitious development agenda. Every time he speaks he reiterates the industrialisation agenda. He uses a simple language that wananchi understand. Pockets of the urban-based, middle to upper class segments of the country see his agenda as unclear and largely ambiguous. But many more Tanzanians have swallowed the message as it is wholeheartedly. There is limited evidence of the President’s successful implementation of his development agenda. All projects he has opened to date are projects that were started under Kikwete. But citizens don’t care. Because he has won them on anti-corruption. The President currently talks about new aircrafts for dying Air Tanzania and people cheer while less than 5% of them fly. He got it. He won the narrative. The opposition lost it.

The President has embraced CCM cadres who lost the CCM primaries during the 2015 parliamentary elections. With this action, he has kept most members of the 11th parliament on their toes. Losers of the primaries are being ‘fed’ to be able to go back and contest against sitting members in the next election. Sitting members will now work to please the President so that, as the chairman of their party, he doesn’t cut them off during the nomination in 2020. In short, President Magufuli has created a shadow parliament of his own. The political genius many people underestimate. He now has a carrot and stick for Members of Parliament (MPs). He has a cat to threaten most of them. As a result, we will likely witness a parliament that becomes more toothless and subservient. Haven’t we already started seeing that?

Some sectors of society, sectors important to a vibrant and open democracy, face quiet co-option. Academia and media come to mind. Open repression is reserved for political parties. The President himself announced a ban on public rallies by political parties. The ban is completely unconstitutional and against political parties’ enabling legislation. In his address at Manyoni on the 29th July he clarified by allowing Members of Parliament to conduct rallies in their own constituencies and since he is the President he is the only one who can do rallies all over the country. This move is an effort to channel only one point of view to the public – that’s of the President and his party and in the process frustrate other parties into oblivion.

Under those circumstances many people have started to write obituaries for the opposition.

However, I would still argue that these circumstances are at times a necessary condition for the rise of real opposition politics. One-agenda politics must pave way for issues-based politics. Repression is conducive for likeminded members of the opposition parties to work together without worries. The liberal approach of President Kikwete created an environment of envy amongst comrades and a sense of ‘it is our time to eat’. It has had detrimental consequences for politics and development in the country, and for the welfare of the opposition.

The real opposition will have to engage in providing a critical analysis of the regime and offer an alternative policy. Issues like budget management will be critical as signs are out there that the fifth phase government will have more adverse audit opinion than any other before. Out of budget expenditures are rampant and more threatening is the drawdown of foreign reserve. It has never happened in the previous 20 years for the Tanzanian foreign reserve to decline and it was happening even before Magufuli started to implement his budget. US$500m has been withdrawn from our foreign reserve between November 2015 and June 2016. The amount remaining is enough to serve the country only for 3.6 months. The best practice for developing countries is to have a reserve enough to cover at least 6 months.

Tax revenues are still at the levels of the previous administration. High profile announcements of monthly revenues collection are no longer there because the taxman was collecting arrears and the government attacks ‘the chicken laying golden eggs’ i.e. the business community, without adequately investing in alternative sources of revenue for the country.

These are the issues the opposition must bring up. Well-articulated issues backed by expert evidence. Critical analysis of data and of government actions and reactions. The era of scandal-raising politics is over; the regime has co-opted it. Only politics of solutions can support the opposition now. The steady slide towards repression must be fought vehemently. But if the opposition does not articulate issues affecting the day to day lives of people, the repression will be supported by people. A coalition of likeminded people who have credentials to fight against corruption and articulate developmental politics must emerge and take up the ideological bankruptcy existing in the country now. Lack of issues and business as usual weaken the opposition and discredit most of our moves, including the recent UKUTA operation.

Once our modus operandi changes and we start tackling issues and articulate them, the real opposition will emerge, stronger and ready to govern.

Call fresh elections in Zanzibar

Call for fresh elections

ACT Wazalendo is a party that stands firm on democracy and the due process that comes with it, steadfast in ensuring that the voice of the people is heard and adhered too without compromising on the principles of democracy.

What has transpired in Zanzibar has left us both in awe and disgust on how certain individuals can manipulate the system to best suite their crude desire for power. Right after the nullification of the elections in Zanzibar, ACT Wazalendo was firm in its stand that democracy was being toyed with and that the Zanzibari peoples wishes were not respected. It is the party’s firm belief that Maalim Seif Sharif Hamad was the chosen president for the people and by the people.

We raised ten (10) points of caution to President Magufuli; as the custodian of democracy in the United Republic of Tanzania for him to take to task, one of them being the current situation in Zanzibar showing all signs of lacking any democratic decorum. This plea unfortunately fell on deaf ears and the outcome of this negligence was the re-run of the Zanzibar election in March, which to date still bids the question of the legality and mannerism of how it was conducted.

ACT Wazalendo continues its fight for a booming democratic environment in Zanzibar that would foster the growth of new age politicians who are not intimidated by sheer police brutality or the power of the state. With this stand, ACT Wazalendo, has continually denounced the legality of the election in Zanzibar and has chosen not to recognise the current government of Zanzibar in its totality for, if there is ever a doubt that ones rights are infringed the party will not stand by those who infringing the rights of another.

Chaos breeds fear and fear has no part in the struggle to attain justice. Dr. Shein recently has been quoted saying “I am not afraid of Maalim Seif, for he does not have no posses tanks or ammunition”. In hindsight he is right, Maalim Seif does not possess the power and might of the state, after the sabotage that took place in October 2016 he is merely a citizen and former 2nd Vice president of Zanzibar. But let us not forget that he also happens to be the leader of a group of people on the Isles, maybe he does not require military might to be feared all he needs to do is get the attention of his followers. Maybe this was the trigger effect that made the army interrogate the politician when he simply wanted to practice his democratic right to be heard.

ACT Wazalendo cannot condone the words said by Dr. Shein, for one they are beneath him and beneath any self respecting citizen of the United Republic of Tanzania, we were liberated; one half by good diplomacy and the other half by force. It would be wise for Dr. Shein to remember the seat that he is clinging on comes with its own history, and it should be a lesson to him no to mock the people by threatening them with military might, after all the Sultan of Oman, not only had his army but also the backing of the then hegemony United Kingdom, this did not stop those who could not stand injustice to stand up against military might. Words such as those uttered by Dr. Shein only work to remind us that Zanzibar is not a step sibling that we can ignore, that such mishap and insensitivity from a seasoned politician leaves the isle vulnerable to many a thing, we do not want to see our brothers and sisters shed blood…again.

As a party, ACT Wazalendo is fully aware of the hardship that faces the Zanzibar people, the political tension translates to a stagnant economy and a demoralised society. We do understand that there is a need for the people to take control of their state but we firmly believe and have not lost hope that the process be ballot and not bullet. One way of ensuring that the Zanzibari people walk away the winners and not just the politician, is for those who want to serve the people to lower themselves and consider their people first and not self gratification.

If we may, let us restart the clock again for Zanzibar, go to the ballot and ensure that the peoples wishes are respected no matter what the outcome maybe. Some may argue that how can we restart the clock? That at no point in time can a state be without a leader. For this we say, have a transitional government that comprises of members from all political players on the isles, let that government involve people who are respected by all fractions of Zanzibaris.

Possibly the greatest thing for the Zanzibari people  to do is to ignore the blatant attack on their integrity and rights by Dr. Shein, for he may have not known better. Let history be a reminder for him and a point to remember for the people on the isles that throughout oppressors have met an unfavourable outcomes, we do not wish to see the same for Zanzibar no do we wish for their good name to be tarnished.

Zitto Kabwe, MP

Party Leader, ACT Wazalendo

CAG yet to receive parties audit reports

Chairman of the Parliamentary Public Accounts Committee (PAC),Mr Zitto Kabwe PHOTO|FILE

In Summary

NCCR-Mageuzi chairman James Mbatia refuted reports that the party has not submitted its audit reports for four consecutive years.

Dar es Salaam. The office of the Controller and Auditor General (CAG) said yesterday it was yet to receive audit reports from any of the nine political parties getting subvention.

The remark is in response to a controversy triggered by remarks of the chairman of the Parliamentary Public Accounts Committee (PAC), Mr Zitto Kabwe. His committee has since summoned six of the parties to explain why their accounts were yet to be audited.

The response by the deputy CAG, Mr Francis Mwakapalila, is likely to intensify the subvention controversy which has put the political parties and Mr Kabwe in a face-off in the last one week.

Zitto has accused nine political parties with representation in the Parliament of failing to submit their financial accounts to the CAG for auditing. He directed the registrar of political parties to suspend the subsidies of the parties for their failure to comply with the guiding law.

Zitto claimed that the parties had failed to submit audit reports accounting for a total of Sh67.7 billion in the past four years — a requirement made by the Political Parties (Amendment) Act, 2009.

The deputy CAG told The Citizen that the truth about the controversy will be known on Friday at a joint meeting of all the parties.

He, however, clarified that the CAG’s office had allowed parties to seek the services of external auditors. According to Mr Mwakapalila, the CAG can contract qualified firms to audit the political parties.

“Political parties are expected to maintain proper accounts every year and submit their financial reports, audited by the CAG, to the registrar of political parties,” he detailed.

PAC has summoned the parties on Friday to explain why they failed to submit the said reports. “We will know who was right or wrong, I hope the CAG will also be there. Let’s be patient,” he added.

The nine political parties have been insisting that they have submitted their audited accounts to the CAG and accused Mr Kabwe of overstepping his mandate.

Already, the Civic United Front (CUF) said it would not attend the Friday meeting and accused Mr Kabwe of acting beyond his legal powers.

The party’s deputy secretary general (Mainland), Mr Julius Mtatiro, said his party was not on the list of the parties that have not submitted their audit reports.

The ruling CCM has strongly accused the PAC, saying it was aware of the requirements of the law and that the it had has been submitting its audit reports to the CAG.

Its Publicity and Ideology secretary, Mr Nape Nnauye, said the Tanzania Audit Corporation has audited its accounts from 2003/04 to 2010/2011. “We’re waiting for the 2011/2012 audit report which is still with the external auditors,’’ adding that the report would be forwarded with the CAG once it is ready.

NCCR-Mageuzi chairman James Mbatia refuted reports that the party has not submitted its audit reports for four consecutive years.

“Our accounts were audited and we sent reports to the registrar,’’ he said.

He said, however, that the CAG’s office was cash-strapped and unable to oversee the auditing of political parties.

Chadema Information officer, Mr Tumaini Makene, said his party was playing by the rules as far as financial propriety and transparency were concerned. According to Zitto’s committee, CCM has failed to account for Sh50.97 billion, Chadema (Sh9.2 billion), CUF (Sh6.29 billion), NCCR-Mageuzi (Sh677 million), UDP (Sh33 million), TLP (Sh217million), APPT-Maendeleo (Sh11 million), DP (Sh3.3 million) and Chausta (Sh2.4 million).

Meanwhile, two PAC members yesterday defended Mr Kabwe against attacks by political parties allegedly for personalising the subvention issue, saying the matter was owned by the Committee.

They told The Citizen separately that Zitto had full blessings of members of the PAC before he made the statement to the effect that accounts of nine political parties had not been audited for four years.

“That is the position of our committee and not Zitto’s creations as political parties want the public to believe,” said a member of the committee, Mr Abdul Marombwa.

He said they were wondering why the political parties were personalising the issue while the matter surfaced the committee met registrar of political parties, Mr Francis Mutungi, who revealed the information.

“There is no Zitto’s agenda here, we all sat and agreed on the matter,” he said.

Another PAC member who asked not be named said their team was implementing Political Parties (Amendment) Act, 2009, which requires them to submit the parties accounts to the CAG for auditing and forward the audit reports to the registrar.

“The registrar confirmed to us none of the nine parties fulfilled that legal requirement,” he said.

“That was not Zitto’s statement, it was the outcome of the meeting,” he insisted.

Source: THE CITIZEN http://www.thecitizen.co.tz/News/Cag-yet-to-receive-parties-audit-reports/-/1840392/2041932/-/jwtkmj/-/index.html

RUZUKU YA VYAMA VYA SIASA

Msajili wa Vyama vya Siasa-Jaji Francis S.K.Mutungi

Shilingi bilioni 67.7 zimelipwa na Serikali kwa vyama vya siasa katika kipindi cha miaka 4, 2009/2010 mpaka 2012/2013. Fedha hizi hazijakaguliwa kwa mujibu wa Sheria.

Mahesabu ya Vyama vya siasa nchini yanapaswa kukaguliwa na Mdhibiti na Mkaguzi Mkuu wa Mahesabu ya Serikali kwa mujibu wa Sheria tangu mwaka 2009. Tangu mwaka huo Kamati ya PAC haijawahi kuona Taarifa ya CAG kuhusu ukaguzi wa vyama vya siasa. Nilihoji tangia Aprili 2011 https://zittokabwe.wordpress.com/category/ruzuku-vyama-vya-siasa/

Kamati imemwita Msajili wa vyama ili kufafanua ni kwa nini Vyama vya Siasa nchini havifuati sheria (vifungu vya sheria vimeambatanishwa hapa chini). Uvunjifu huu wa Sheria ni wa makusudi au wa kutokujua? Sheria inataka Mahesabu ya vyama yatangazwe kwa uwazi, tena kwa Government Notice. Umewahi kuona? Tarehe 15 Oktoba, 2013 Kamati ya PAC itatafuta majibu haya kutoka kwa Msajili na ikibidi vyama vyenyewe. Tunataka uwazi wa matumizi ya Fedha za Umma.Vyama vya siasa ndio vinaunda Serikali, uwazi unaanzia huko ili kuepuka fedha chafu kama za EPA kuingia kuvuruga uchaguzi.

Vyama vifuatavyo vimepokea Ruzuku ya jumla shilingi bilioni 67.7 tangu mwaka wa fedha 2009/2010;

• CCM tshs 50.97 bilioni
• CHADEMA tshs 9.2 bilioni
• CUF tshs 6.29 bilioni
• NCCR – M tshs 0.677 bilioni
• UDP tshs 0.33 bilioni
• TLP tshs 0.217 bilioni
• APPT – M tshs 11 milioni
• DP tshs 3.3 milioni
• CHAUSTA tshs 2.4 milioni

Political Parties Act, No. 5 of 1992 as ammended from time to time.

14. -(1) Every political party which has been fully registered shall—
a) maintain proper accounts of the funds and property of the party;
b) submit to the Registrar –

“(i) an annual statement of the account of the political party audited by the Controller and Auditor-General and the report of the account.” (This became law in March, 2009)

ii) an annual declaration of all the property owned by the party.

(2) The Registrar, after inspecting any accounts or report submitted pursuant to this section may, for the benefit of the members or the public, publish any matter relation to the funds, resources or property of any party or the use of such funds, resources or property.

(3) The Registrar shall publish in the official Gazette, an annual report on the audited accounts of every party.

18. -(1) Subventions granted to a party may be spent only on

(a) the parliamentary activities of a party;
(b) the civil activities of a party;
(c) any lawful activity relating to an election in which a party nominates acandidate;
(d) any other necessary or reasonable requirement of a party.

(2) Subventions granted to a political party shall be accounted for to the Registrar, separately from the accounting for other funds of the party.

(3) Any party which fails or neglects to account for subventions in accordance with this Act, shall forfeit the right to any subsequent subvention due to the party in accordance with this Act.

(4) Where the Registrar is for any reasonable cause, dissatisfied with any account of subventions submitted by any party, so much of the subvention which has not been accounted for or has not been accounted for satisfactorily, shall be deducted form any subsequent subvention due to the party.

(5) If by reason of failure to submit an account or for any other reason, the Registrar has reason to suspect that any offence under the Penal Code may have been committed in relation to the money which has not been committed in relation to the money which has not be been accounted for, he may make a report to a police station, and the officer in charge of that police station shall cause the matter to be investigated.

18A. Notwithstanding the provisions of sections 14 and 18, every political party receiving subvention in accordance with this Act shall, not later than 3151
October every year, submit to the Registrar financial statements and audited accounts reflecting any other source of funds and details regarding the manner in which such funds were used.” (became law in 2009)

Katiba ni Mwafaka wa Kitaifa. Viongozi zungumzeni

Kwa takribani wiki tatu sasa kumekuwa na sintofahamu kuhusu muswada wa sheria uliopitishwa na Bunge ili kufanya marekebisho ya sheria ya marekebisho ya Katiba ya mwaka 2011. Mjadala na upitishaji wa sheria hii uliweka rekodi ya pekee katika nchi yetu kwa vitendo vya kihuni kutokea Bungeni ambavyo nisingependa kuvirejea kutokana na aibu kubwa ambayo Bunge liliingia. Kiukweli kuna sintofahamu katika nchi kuhusu kuandikwa kwa Katiba mpya. Hii imechangiwa na kurushiana maneno miongoni mwa wanasiasa wa pande zote mbili, wanaopinga muswada ulivyo na wanaounga mkono muswada ulivyo. Masuala ya Tume imalize kazi yake lini, ushiriki wa Zanzibar na idadi ya wajumbe kutoka Zanzibar kwenye Bunge la Katiba, Wajumbe wa Bunge Maalumu wanapatikanaje na kadhalika ni masuala ambayo yanaweza kupatiwa mwafaka kwa viongozi kukaa na kuzungumza. Haya sio masuala ya kushindwa kujenga mwafaka labda kuwe na nia mbaya dhidi ya mchakato wa kuandika Katiba mpya. Katiba sio suala la kufanyia siasa. Katiba ni uhai wa Taifa.

Ni wazi kuna kundi kubwa ambalo halijitokezi waziwazi ambalo lingependa pasiwe na katiba mpya ya Wananchi. Kuna kundi lingine ambalo lingependa mchakato wa kuandika Katiba uendelee kwa miaka mingine zaidi ili kuweza kupata Katiba bora. Kuna kundi la Wabunge ambao kwa chinichini wanataka mchakato uendelee, uchaguzi uahirishwe mpaka mwaka 2017 na wao waendelee kuwa wabunge. Naamini watu hawa wanaota ndoto za mchana kwani hakuna mahusiano yeyote kati ya uchaguzi mkuu na kuandika katiba mpya. Kama Bunge hili la sasa na Serikali hii itashindwa kukamilisha zoezi hili, Bunge linalokuja na Serikali itakayoingia madarakani itaendelea nalo. Hivyo sio lazima kupata Katiba mpya kabla ya uchaguzi mkuu wa 2015. CHADEMA imependekeza kuwepo na marekebisho ya mpito kwenye Katiba ya sasa ili kuwezesha Tume huru ya Uchaguzi, masuala ya wagombea binafsi na kadhalika. Vyama vingine vya siasa vinaweza kuwa na mapendekezo yao ya mpito na hivyo kutoa nafasi ya kutosha kabisa wa kuandika Katiba makini.

Changamoto kubwa sana ya siasa za Tanzania ni kelele. Wanasiasa hatuzungumzi kwenye masuala yanayohusu uhai wa Taifa. Kila chama kinakuwa na misimamo yake na kuishikilia na hatimaye kujikuta tunapoteza fursa ya kuzungumza na kujadiliana kama Watanzania. Mwaka 2011 hali ilikuwa hivi hivi mpaka kundi la Wazee viongozi wastaafu walipoingilia kati na kupelekea wanasiasa kukaa na kuzungumza. Bahati mbaya sana viongozi wale ndio sasa wamepewa usukani wa kuandika Katiba kwa kuwa kwenye Tume. Hawawezi tena kufanya kazi ile ya kutafuta suluhu iliyopelekea Rais kuzungumza na viongozi wa vyama vyote vya siasa ikulu jijini Dar es Salaam.

Vyama vya Upinzani nchini sasa vimeungana kupinga muswada wa marekebisho ya Sheria ya Marekebisho ya Katiba ya mwaka 2011. Waziri wa Sheria na Katiba, Waziri wa Nchi ofisi ya Rais mahusiano na Uratibu, viongozi waandamizi wa CCM wote nao wameungana kuunga mkono muswada kama ulivyo. Badala ya kutafuta mwafaka, kumekuwa na kurushiana maneno ya kejeli na kadhalika. Taifa halijengwi namna hii. Taifa linajengwa kwa mwafaka na Katiba ni moja ya nyenzo wa Mwafaka wa Taifa. Niliwahi kuandika huko nyuma kuwa Katiba haiandikwi barabarani bali huandikwa mezani kwa watu kukaa na kukubaliana masuala ya Taifa dhidi ya maslahi ya kivyama ya wanasiasa.

Hakuna kilichoharibika. Bado tunayo nafasi kama Taifa kukaa na kukubaliana. Kwa hali ya sasa nafasi hii ipo mikononi mwa Mkuu wa Nchi, Rais wa Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania. Rais ana wajibu wa kikatiba wa kuhakikisha umoja wa kitaifa unaendelea kuongoza mchakato huu wa katiba ya nchi yetu. Hata hivyo ni vizuri kutahadharisha kuwa sio sahihi kwa wanasiasa wa pande zote kujaribu kumlazimisha Rais kuridhia ama kutoridhia sheria hiyo. Si sawa kisiasa kwa wanasiasa wa upinzani kujaribu kumlazimisha Rais ambaye pia ni Mwenyekiti wa chama chenye wabunge wengi bungeni kwenda tofauti na wabunge wake na wakati huohuo ni utovu wa nidhamu kwa Waziri wa Sheria kujaribu kumshauri hadharani Rais wake kuridhia sheria hiyo kwani ni kinyume cha misingi ya uongozi na pia kinatafsirika kama kumshurutisha (blackmail) Rais wake.

Kutosaini muswada huu kunaweza kuleta mgongano kati ya Wabunge wa CCM na Rais. Hata hivyo Rais lazima aweze kushawishi chama chake kwamba umoja wa kitaifa ni muhimu ziadi kuliko maslahi ya kisiasa ya chama chao. Pia kikatiba Rais anasaini miswada kuwa sheria akiwa Mkuu wa Nchi na sio Mkuu wa Serikali ya Jamhuri. Akiwa Mkuu wa Nchi maslahi mapana ni kuweka mwafaka wa pamoja miongoni mwa wananchi. Rais Jakaya Kikwete anapaswa kutumia mamlaka yake kama Mkuu wa Nchi kuiweka nchi pamoja kwa kuurejesha muswada bungeni ili uweze kujadiliwa upya na wadau wote na kupitishwa tena na Bunge. Ibara ya 97 ya Katiba ya sasa imeweka masharti ya utaratibu wa kutunga sheria na iwapo Rais ataurudisha muswada huu Bungeni pamoja na maelezo ya hatua hii, upitishwaji wake utahitaji theluthi mbili ya wabunge wote. Hii itakuwa hatua muhimu sana katika historia ya demokrasia yetu. Rais afuate ushauri huu kwani una manufaa makubwa.

Hata hivyo, ni lazima pawepo na mazungumzo miongoni mwa wanasiasa na makundi ya kijamii kuhusu Katiba. Katiba nzuri itapatikana pale tu ambapo mazingira ya kisiasa yanaonyesha nia njema kwa pande zote kisiasa. Kukwepa kuangaliana machoni na kuzungumza tofauti zetu za kimitazamo ni hatari zaidi. Juzi ngumi zimerushwa Bungeni. Kesho zitakua mitaani na vijijini kwetu. Tunataka kujenga Taifa la namna hiyo?

English Translation: Zitto Kabwe’s Private Motion to Investigate & Recover Money Stashed in Swiss Accounts

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Mafuta kuwa suala la Muungano tulikosea

• Kila upande wa Muungano uchimbe Mafuta na Gesi Asili yake na Mapato yawe ya Serikali ya upande husika.
• Shughuli za Utafutaji kwenye vitalu vyenye mgogoro ziendelee mara moja
• Zanzibar ianzishe Shirika lake la Mafuta (PetroZan)
• Katiba mpya itofautishe utafutaji (upstream) na Biashara (uchimbaji, midstream na downstream)

Moja ya suala linalosubiriwa kwa hamu kubwa katika mjadala na hatimaye uandishi wa Katiba mpya ni suala la Mafuta na Gesi Asilia kuwa jambo la Muungano au liondolewe katika orodha ya mambo ya Muungano. Suala hili limezusha mjadala mkubwa sana mara kwa mara nchini Tanzania kiasi cha lenyewe kuwa ni hoja ya wale wasiotaka tuwe na Dola ya Jamhuri ya Muungano Tanzania.

Wakati Muungano unaanzishwa mwaka 1964 Mafuta na Gesi hayakuwa masuala ya Muungano. Nimeangalia katika Hati ya Muungano ambayo ilikuwa ni sehemu ya Katiba ya Muda ya Jamhuri ya Muungano ya mwaka 1965, suala hili halikuwamo katika orodha ya mambo Kumi na Moja ya Muungano. Nyaraka nilizoziona zinaonyesha kwamba suala la Mafuta na Gesi Asilia liliongezwa katika orodha ya Mambo ya Muungano mwaka 1968. Kuna watu wanahoji kihalali kabisa kwamba nyongeza ya jambo hili ilifanywa bila kufuata taratibu na hivyo kufanywa kinyemela na kuna wengine wanasema jambo hili lilifuata taratibu zote za kisheria ikiwemo kupigiwa kura na Bunge la Muungano na kuungwa mkono na theluthi mbili ya Wabunge kutoka pande zote za Muungano.

Katika moja ya vikao vya Bunge katika Bunge la Tisa, aliyekuwa Naibu wa Waziri wa Nishati na Madini Ndugu Adam Malima alileta kumbukumbu za mjadala Bungeni (Hansard) za mjadala wa suala la Mafuta na Gesi ili kuthibitisha kwamba jambo hili halikuuingizwa kwenye Katiba kinyemela.

Wakati umefika kwa Watafiti wa Masuala ya Muungano wakapekua nyaraka hizi na kutwambia ukweli ulio ukweli mtupu wa namna suala la Mafuta na Gesi lilivyoingizwa katika orodha ya mambo ya Muungano. Hata hivyo, jambo hili sasa ni jambo la Muungano kwa mujibu wa Katiba na ni dhahiri kuwa WaTanzania wa Zanzibar hawafurahiswhi nalo na hivyo kuazimia kupitia Azimio la Baraza la Wawakilishi kwamba jambo hili liondolewe kwenye orodha ya masuala ya Muungano. Kwa vyovote vile Katiba mpya ya Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania inapaswa kutoa uamuzi wa mwisho utakaomaliza mjadala huu.

Jambo la kusikitisha ni kwamba licha ya Bunge la Muungano kuamua kuongeza suala la Mafuta na Gesi asilia katika masuala ya Muungano, mwaka mmoja baada ya uamuzi huo likaundwa Shirika la Maendeleo ya Mafuta Tanzania (TPDC) kwa amri ya Rais wa Jamhuri ya Muungano (establishment order). Shirika hili halikuanzishwa kwa Sheria ya Bunge au kwa Sheria ya Makampuni kama yalivyo Mashirika mengi ya Umma hapa nchini bali kwa amri ya Rais ya mwaka 1960. Katika amri hii ya Rais, Shirika la TPDC halikupewa ‘mandate’ ya kimuungano. Shirika hili mipaka yake ilianishwa kuwa ni Tanzania bara peke yake. Hivyo suala la Muungano likawekewa Shirika la Tanganyika kulisimamia!

Kama ilikuwa ni bahati mbaya au makusudi au kupitiwa kwa viongozi wetu wa wakati huo ni vigumu kujua lakini huu ni mkanganyiko mkubwa ambao ulipaswa kurekebishwa mapema sana.

Shirika la TPDC limekuwa likifanya kazi ya kusimamia Sekta ya Mafuta na Gesi ikiwemo kutoa vibali vya kutafuta mafuta, kuingia mikataba na Makampuni ya kimataifa na kuisimamia mikataba hiyo. Miongoni mwa mikataba hiyo ni kwenye maeneo ambayo kama isingekuwa Muungano yangekuwa ni Maeneo ya Jamhuri ya Watu wa Zanzibar. Mbaya zaidi Mikataba yote ya utafutaji na uchimbaji Mafuta inafanywa inaingiwa na Waziri wa Nishati na Madini Wizara ambayo sio ya Muungano. Hakuna hata eneo moja ambalo taratibu zimewekwa kwamba pale ambapo eneo hilo ni eneo lilikuwa chini ya himaya ya Jamhuri ya Watu wa Zanzibar basi mikataba isainiwe na Mawaziri wawili wa sekta hiyo kutoka kila upande wa Muungano.

Ni dhahiri kwamba kama ni kusahau hapa kulikuwa na kusahau kukubwa ambako hakustahmiliki kwa mtu yeyote mwenye upeo achilia mbali mwananchi wa kawaida wa Zanzibar ambaye anaona anaonewa na kugandamizwa na Bara.

Mnamo miaka ya mwanzo ya 2000, Shirika la TPDC liliingia mikataba ya Vitalu kadhaa vya Mafuta miongoni vya vitalu hivyo ni vitalu nambari 9, 10, 11 na 12 mashariki ya visiwa vya Pemba na Unguja. Vile vile Shirika na Wizara ya Nishati waliingia mkataba mwingine katika Kitalu kilichopo kati ya Pemba na Tanga (mahala ambapo kumekuwa na dalili za wazi za kuwapo Mafuta kutokana na kuonekana kwa ‘Oil sips’ mara kwa mara.

Vitalu 9, 10, 11 na 12 vilipewa kampuni ya Shell ya Uholanzi na kitalu cha kati ya Tanga na Pemba walipewa Kampuni ya Antrim ya Canada ambayo baadaye waliuza sehemu ya Kampuni yao kwa Kampuni ya RAK Gas kutoka Ras Al Khaimah huko United Aarab Emirates. Kwa kuwa Vitalu hivi vipo katika eneo la iliyokuwa Jamhuri ya Watu wa Zanzibar kabla ya Muungano, Serikali ya Mapinduzi Zanzibar ilikataa shughuli zozote kufanyika mpaka suala la Mafuta na Gesi kuondolewa katika orodha ya Mambo ya Muungano lipatiwe ufumbuzi.

Uamuzi huu wa Serikali ya Zanzibar ni uamuzi ambao ungechukuliwa na Serikali yeyote ile yenye mapenzi ya dhati na watu wake. Uamuzi huu ulileta mjadala mpana sana katika masuala ya Muungano na ambao hawana taarifa waliubeza sana. Hata hivyo suala hili likafanywa ajenda katika vikao vya masuala ya Muungano vinavyoitwa Vikao vya Kero za Muungano. Miaka kumi suala hili linajadiliwa na Maamuzi hayafanyiki! Hivi sasa kila suala lenye kuangukia kwenye Katiba husukumwa huko na hivyo kutoa ahueni kwa wanaogopa kufanya maamuzi.

Katika medani za uchumi kila suala lina muda wake. Masuala ya utafutaji wa Mafuta ni masuala yanayoongozwa na msimu na kuendelea kuchelewa kufanya maamuzi juu ya suala hili kunalitia hasara Taifa, Hasara ya Mabilioni ya Fedha na hasara kubwa zaidi ya kufahamu utajiri uliojificha chini ya Maji ya Bahari inayozunguka Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania.

Hivi sasa Pwani ya Afrika Mashariki inarindima (trending) katika utafutaji wa Mafuta na Gesi asilia. Huko Msumbiji Makampuni mbalimbali yamegundua Gesi asilia nyingi inayofikia zaidi ya futi za ujazo trillion 107 (107TCF) kwa makadirio ya chini. Hapa Tanzania utajiri wa Gesi asilia uliogunduliwa hadi hivi sasa na kutangazwa umefikia futi za ujazo trillion 20 (20TCF) ambazo ni sawa na utajiri wa thamani ya dola za kimarekani trillion 6. Makadirio yanakisiwa kuwa Tanzania kuna  futi za ujazo trillioni 85 (85TCF) za Gesi Asilia katika eneo la Kusini kuanzia vitalu namba 1 mpaka namba 5 ikiwemo vitalu vya nchi kavu na vile vya Songosongo.

Iwapo kasi ya utafutaji mafuta itaendelea kama sasa katika kipindi cha miaka 2 ijayo Tanzania itaweza kuwa kati ya nchi mbili za Afrika zenye Utajiri mwingi zaidi wa Gesi Asilia. Hivi sasa Nigeria ndio inaongoza kwa kuwa na futi za ujazo trillion 189 (189TCF) ikifuatiwa na Algeria na Angola ambazo zote zina utajiri wa juu kidogo ya 100TCF kwa Algeria na chini ya 100TCF kwa Angola. Msumbiji sasa imeifikia Algeria na kushika nafasi ya pili.

Katika masuala ya Mafuta na Gesi hatua ya kwanza ni kujua kama utajiri huu ambayo kitaalamu inaitwa gas exploration. Shughuli za utafutaji zinapandisha sana thamani ya nchi na eneo la nchi. Kwa mfano hivi sasa kitendo cha Kampuni ya Uingereza ya BG/Ophir na ile ya Norway ya StatOil kupata mafanikio makubwa katika utafutaji wa Gesi asilia kumeongeza thamani ya Pwani ya kusini ya Tanzania katika medani za utafutaji (Exploration Activities).

Hata hivyo kama ilivyogusiwa hapo juu, shughuli za Utafutaji ni shughuli za msimu. Pia huchukua muda mrefu wa kati ya miaka 5 mpaka 10 kati ya kutafuta, kupata na kuanza kuchimba. Hivi sasa ni muda wa pwani ya Afrika Mashariki. Ni lazima kuhakikisha kwamba vitalu vyote vilivyogawiwa hivi sasa vinafanyiwa kazi. Hata hivyo vitalu vingine vyovyote visigawiwe kwanza mpaka hapo matunda ya vitalu vya sasa yaonekane. Kamati ya Bunge ya Nishati na Madini imependekeza kusimamisha kugawa vitalu vipya. Matokeo ya utafutaji katika vitalu vya sasa yakiwa mazuri kama ilivyo sasa, thamani ya vitalu vipya itapanda sana na nchi itakuwa na nguvu ya majadiliano (strong negotiation position) dhidi ya makampuni makubwa ya mafuta. 

Tufanyaje kuhusu vitalu vilivyogawiwa katika eneo ambalo lina mgogoro kuhusu suala la Muungano? Sio kazi rahisi lakini imefikia wakati tuamue. Kwa kadri nionavyo, Itabidi kuwe na maamuzi ya mpito (interim decisions) na maamuzi ya muda mrefu.

Kwanza, ni lazima kukiri tulipokosea. Hata kama ilikuwa ni sahihi kiutaratibu kuweka suala la mafuta na Gesi katika orodha ya mambo ya Muungano, haikuwa halali Shirika la TPDC lenye mipaka ndani ya Tanzania bara kuingilia ugawaji wa vitalu na kuingia mikataba katika maeneo ambayo ni ya Muungano. Ni Taasisi ya Muungano tu ndio inaweza kushughulikia suala la Muungano na sio vinginevyo.

Ilikuwa ni dharau kubwa sana kwa Waziri wa Nishati ambayo sio Wizara ya Muungano kuingia Mikataba katika eneo la Zanzibar (ambapo kikatiba tumelifanya eneo la Muungano) bila kushauriana na kukubaliana na Waziri wa Nishati wa Zanzibar. Kukiri kosa sio unyonge, ni uungwana. Hata tukifanya vikao milioni moja chini ya Makamu wa Rais, bila kukiri kosa hili tatizo hili na mengine ya aina hii hayataisha.

Pili, ni vema kukubali kwamba shughuli za utafutaji katika vitalu vyenye mgogoro ziendelee kwenye hatua ya utafutaji tu. Kama mafuta au Gesi ikipatikana, uchimbaji usianze mpaka uamuzi wa mwisho kuhusu suala hili uwe umepatikana. Pia ninapendekeza ufumbuzi wa mwisho hapa chini. Kuchelewesha utafutaji ni hasara kwa pande zote za Muungano kutokana na taarifa za kijiolojia zitakazopatikana na hivyo kupandisha thamani ya nchi hizi mbili kijiolojia.

Hata hivyo, utafutaji huu katika eneo lenye mgogoro kati ya pande mbili za Muungano ufanyike baada ya mkataba wa PSA kufanyiwa marekebisho makubwa. Marekebisho hayo ni pamoja na Mkataba kusema wazi kwamba shughuli za uchimbaji zitafanyika iwapo tu makubaliano ya kugawana mapato ya Mafuta na Gesi kati ya Serikali ya Muungano na Serikali ya Zanzibar yamefikiwa. Pia Mkataba uzingatie maendeleo ya sasa ya kusini mwa Tanzania na hivyo mkataba uboreshwe kwa faida ya nchi ikiwemo kutolewa kwa ‘signature bonus’. Hii ni Fedha inayotolewa na Kampuni za utafutaji Mafuta kwa Serikali kabla ya utafutaji kuanza. Kiwango hutokana na majadiliano na kukubaliana. Nchi zenye jiolojia iliyopevuka hutumia njia hii kuongeza mapato ya Serikali.

Mkataba pia useme kinaga ubaga kwamba utasainiwa na Mawaziri wa pande mbili za Muungano na kwamba Kampuni inayofanya utafiti itatoa taarifa zake za Utafiti sawia kwa Mawaziri wote kwa mujibu wa vipengele vya mkataba.

Kwa upande wa maamuzi ya muda mrefu, ushauri wangu ni kwamba; kwa maana ya kuandikwa kwenye Katiba mpya ni kwamba Suala la Mafuta na Gesi Asilia liendelee kuwa suala la Muungano kwenye eneo la usimamizi wa Tasnia na leseni za utafutaji (Upstream Regulatory mechanism). Hili ni eneo linalohitaji usimamizi wa dhati kabisa na kwa pamoja pande mbili za Muungano zinaweza kufanya vizuri zaidi.

Eneo la Uchimbaji na hasa kugawana mapato ya mafuta na Gesi (Profit Oil) lisimamiwe na kila upande wa Muungano kivyake. Biashara ya Mafuta isiwe jambo la Muungano na hivyo kila Upande wa Muungano uwe na Shirika lake la Mafuta na Gesi ambalo litashiriki kama mbia wa Mashirika ya Kimataifa katika uchimbaji, usafirishaji na uuzaji wa Mafuta na Gesi Asilia. Mapato yanayotokana na Mafuta (Profit Oil) na kodi nyingine zote isipokuwa mrahaba (royalty) yawe ni masuala yanayoshughulikiwa na Serikali ya kila upande wa Muungano kwa mujibu wa Sheria ambayo Serikali hizo zimejiwekea.

Kamati ya Bunge ya Hesabu za Mashirika ya Umma ilipendekeza Bungeni kwamba kuwepo na Mamlaka ya Mafuta na Gesi Asilia Tanzania (Tanzania Petroleum Authority) ambayo itakuwa ni msimamizi (upstream regulator) kama suala la Muungano. Mrahaba wa Mafuta na Gesi ambao sasa ni asilimia 12 ya Mapato ya Mafuta itakusanywa na Msimamizi huyu na ndio mapato pekee katika tasnia ya Mafuta na Gesi yanapaswa kuwa mapato ya Serikali ya Muungano.

Kamati pia ilipendekeza kuanzishwa kwa Shirika la Mafuta na Gesi (Petroleum Tanzania – PetroTan) ambalo litakuwa mbia kwenye Makampuni ya utafutaji na uchimbaji wa Mafuta na Gesi kwenye Vitalu vya Tanzania bara. Mapato yote ya vitalu vya Tanzania bara na kodi zote isipokuwa Mrahaba zitakwenda kwa Mamlaka za bara tutakazo kuwa tumeamua baada ya Katiba mpya kuanza kazi. Hivi sasa TPDC inafanya kazi hii mpaka Zanzibar jambo ambalo hata kwa akili ya kawaida halipaswi kukubalika.

Aidha, napendekeza kwamba Zanzibar ianzishe Shirika lake la Mafuta sasa. Jambo hili halina haja ya kusubiri vikao vya kero za Muungano kwani ni dhahiri TPDC haina mamlaka,ushawishi na uthubutu kusema uhalali wa kusimamia vitalu vya Mafuta vilivyopo  Zanzibar.

Serikali ya Mapinduzi ya Zanzibar ipeleke muswada katika Baraza la Wawakilishi kuanzisha Shirika la Mafuta na Gesi la Zanzibar (Petroleum Corporation of Zanzibar – PetroZan) ili liweze kushiriki katika utafutaji na uchimbaji wa Mafuta Zanzibar. Lakini Pia PetroZan ilinde maslahi ya Zanzibar katika tasnia hii kwa kujijengea uwezo wa kusimamia ugawaji bora wa Mapato kutoka katika Mafuta na Gesi Asilia.

Kama Serikali ya Mapinduzi Zanzibar inachelea kuanzishwa kwa Shirika hili, Wawakilishi wa pande zote (CCM na CUF) wapeleke muswada binafsi kuunda Shirika la Mafuta la Wazanzibari. Hawatakuwa wamevunja Katiba ya Muungano kwani hivi sasa hakuna Taasisi yenye mamlaka ya kusimamia Tasnia hii kwa Upande wa Zanzibar.

Wakati haya yote yanafanyika, shughuli za utafutaji Mafuta na Gesi katika vitalu vilivyopo katika eneo la Zanzibar na hasa vitalu namba 9,10,11 na 12 na katika kitalu cha kati ya Pemba na Tanga ziendelee kufuatia marekebisho ya Mkataba wa Utafutaji. Utafutaji wa Mafuta una faida zaidi kwa Nchi hizi mbili kuliko kwa Kampuni za Mafuta kwani uwekezaji wa Kampuni pekee na nchi zitapata taarifa za kijiolojia zitakazosaidia mikataba ya baadaye kuwa bora zaidi.

Wakati nasisitiza kwamba tuendelee na utafutaji katika vitalu tajwa, katika Katiba mpya, utafutaji wa mafuta usimamiwe na Taasisi ya Muungano. Uchimbaji na biashara ya Mafuta ufanywe na kila Serikali ya kila upande wa Muungano. Mafuta kuwa jambo la Muungano halafu kusimamiwa na Shirika la Tanganyika na Wizara ya Upande mmoja ya Muungano ndio chanzo cha mgogoro. Suluhisho sio kuifanya TPDC kuwa Shirika la Muungano, bali kila upande upewe uhuru wa kusimamia uchimbaji, Biashara na mlolongo mzima wa tasnia ya Mafuta (value chain from midstream to downstream) isipokuwa utafutaji (upstream). Hili ndio suluhisho la kudumu ninaloona linafaa. 

Uwazi (declaration):

Zitto Kabwe ni Mbunge wa Kigoma Kaskazini na mfuatiliaji wa karibu wa Tasnia ya Mafuta na Gesi Asilia akiwa amesomea mfumo wa uchumi wa katika tasnia ya madini na mafuta (fiscal regime in Mineral and Petroleum sector).  Zitto pia ni Mwenyekiti wa Kamati ya Bunge ya Hesabu za Mashirika ya Umma ambayo inasimamia mahesabu na utendaji wa Shirika la TPDC. Makala hii imeandikwa baada ya ziara ya Mafunzo ya Wabunge kutembelea nchi ya Uholanzi kwa ufadhili wa Wizara ya Mambo ya Nje ya nchi hiyo. Katika ziara hiyo Wabunge hao walikutana na Wakuu wa Shirika la Mafuta la Shell ambapo walizungumzia pia suala la vitalu namba 9, 10, 11 na 12.

Picha kutoka kampeni za Udiwani Kata ya kirumba-Mwanza

Kirumba oyeeeeeee

Mgombea wetu wa kata ya Kirumba (sasa Diwani Danny Kahungu)

Umati

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TAARIFA KWA VYOMBO VYA HABARI Kampeni ya kupunguza umri wa urais haina uhusiano na mimi kutaka kugombea urais 2015

KABWE ZUBERI ZITTO, MP

KIGOMA KASKAZINI

 TAARIFA KWA VYOMBO VYA HABARI

Kampeni ya kupunguza umri wa urais haina uhusiano na mimi kutaka kugombea urais 2015

1. Baadhi ya vyombo vya habari vimehusisha kauli yangu ya kutaka kupunguza umri wa kugombea urais na mimi ‘kuutaka urais’. Mimi nikiwa mwanachama na kiongozi wa chama chama changu cha CHADEMA naelewa na kuziheshimu taratibu na kanuni tulizojiwekea za kuomba nafasi mbalimbali za uongozi, ikiwemo nafasi ya urais. Nafasi ya uongozi ndani ya CHADEMA haiombwi kwenye warsha. Iwapo chama changu, wakati muafaka ukifika na kutokana na matakwa ya jamii, kikiona nipewe jukumu lolote sitasita kutekeleza wajibu huo niwe au nisiwe mgombea.
2. Kwa hivyo, nilichozungumza jana ni kutoa maoni yangu kwamba muda umefika kwa Taifa letu kupunguza umri wa kugombea urais. Maoni yangu haya yanatokana na ukweli kwamba hakuna sababu zozote za kisayansi zinazomfanya mtu aliye chini ya umri wa miaka 40 akose sifa za kuwa Rais. Msimamo huu nimekuwa nao tangu zamani nikisoma shule na haujawahi kubadilika. Hakuna mahala popote katika maoni yangu niliyotoa jana niliposema kwamba nataka umri wa urais upunguzwe ili nipate fursa ya kugombea nafasi ya urais. Pia siwezi kutaka katiba iandikwe kwa ajili yangu. Vilevile kamwe isionekane kwamba matakwa ya muda mrefu ya vijana ya kutaka umri wa kugombea Urais kupunguzwa yanalenga kunipa fursa mimi kwani mimi ni binaadamu naweza nisiwe na sifa za kuwa Rais lakini kukawa na vijana wengine wengi wenye umri chini ya miaka 40 wenye Uwezo na Uzalendo wa kutosha kushika usukani wa nchi yetu. Ni maoni yangu kwamba tupate mabadiliko ya vizazi katika uongozi wa nchi yetu ili kukabili changamoto za sasa zinazokabili Taifa letu.
3. Tunapojiandaa kutoa maoni kuhusu Katiba Mpya ni vizuri vyombo vya habari vikajikita kutoa taarifa bila kuweka tafsiri au kuwatafasiria maoni ambayo wananchi na viongozi watakuwa wanayatoa kuhusu maudhui ya Katiba Mpya.

Dar es Salaam

29 Februari 2012

Posho za wabunge zapanda kimyakimya

ZAPANDA KUTOKA SH70,000 HADI 200,000, NI ZAIDI YA ASILIMIA 150
Fredy Azzah

Bunge Letu

HUKU mjadala wa kufutwa au kwa posho za wabunge na watumishi wengine wa Serikali ukiwa umefifia, posho za vikao (sitting allowance) za wabunge zimepanda kutoka Sh70,000 kwa siku hadi Sh200,000, imefahamika.

“Zimeongezeka kutoka Sh70,000 mpaka 200,000, wameanza kulipwa Bunge lililopita hili ni ongezeko la karibu mara tatu, yaani asilimia 154,” kilieleza chanzo chetu kutoka ndani ya Ofisi za Bunge.

Kutoka na ongezeko hilo, kwa sasa kila mbunge atakuwa akilipwa Sh80,000 ikiwa ni posho ya kujikimu (perdiem) anapokuwa nje jimbo lake, posho ya vikao (sitting allowance) Sh200,000 na mafuta ya gari Sh50,000 kila siku, ambazo jumla yake ni Sh330,000 kwa siku.

Kutokana na ongezeko hilo, Bajeti ya Bunge kwa ajili ya posho za vikao vya wabunge imepanda na kufikia Sh28 bilioni kwa mwaka.

Katibu wa Bunge, Dk Thomas Kashililah alipoulizwa kuhusu taarifa hizo alisema hawezi kuzungumzia jambo hilo kwa sababu siyo msemaji wa wabunge, bali Ofisi ya Bunge.

“Ni nani kawapa hizo taarifa bwana, au ni vyanzo vyenu vya habari?” alihoji Dk Kashililah.

Baada ya kuelezwa kuwa taarifa hizo zimetoka kwenye vyanzo vyetu vya kuaminika alisema “Hao wana utaratibu wao bwana, labda mtafute Spika ndiye msemaji wa Wabunge.”

Juhudi za kumpata Spika, Anne Makinda kutoa ufafanuzi wa suala hili, hazikufanikiwa baada ya simu yake kuita wakati wote bila kupokewa hata pale alipotumiwa ujumbe mfupi wa simu (sms) hakujibu. Hata simu zote za Naibu wake, Job Ndugai hazikupatikana.

Hata hivyo, Mbunge wa Ludewa (CCM), Deo Filikunjombe alisema kuongezeka kwa posho hizo kunatokana na wabunge kuwa wanalipwa mishahara midogo kulingana na kazi wanayofanya.

Alisema endapo wawakilishi hao wa wananchi wangekuwa wanalipwa mishahara inayolingana na kazi wanayofanya, kusingekuwa na sababu ya kuongezeka kwa posho hizo.

“Ninachosema mimi, siyo wabunge peke yao, lakini watumishi wote wa umma wanalipwa mishahara midogo sana mimi binafsi sitegemei posho za Bunge, kabla ya kuingia bungeni nilikuwa nimefanya kazi kwa miaka 14 na nilikuwa napata mshahara mzuri tu,” alisema Filikunjombe.

Mbunge wa Iringa Mjini (Chadema), Mchungaji Peter Msigwa alisema amezisikia taarifa hizo za kuongezeka kwa posho lakini siyo kwa undani. Hata hivyo alisema hakuwa katika nafasi nzuri ya kuzungumza suala hilo.

Kiongozi wa Kambi Rasmi ya Upinzani Bungeni, Freeman Mbowe alisema walivyokuwa wakipinga posho hizo wakati zilivyokuwa Sh70,000 waandishi wa habari walichukua suala hilo kama ajenda ya Chadema, hivyo kupandishwa kwa posho hizo ni matokeo ya watu kuwapuuza walivyokuwa wakizipinga.

“Msimamo wetu sisi tulishautoa tangu wakati posho zikiwa Sh70,000 wakati sisi tukipinga hizi posho waandishi wa habari na Watanzania mlichukulia suala hili kama ajenda ya Chadema, sisi wenyewe tupo wachache bungeni, tulichotaka ni kuonyesha jinsi fedha za Watanzania zinavyotumika vibaya,” alisema na kuongeza:

“Achilia mbali hizo 200,000 za wabunge kuna watu huko serikalini wanalipwa mpaka Sh400,000 au Sh1 milioni kwa siku nyie ulizeni.”

Alipoulizwa kama amechukua posho hiyo ya Sh200,000 alisema hajafanya hivyo kwa sababu hazifuatilii.

“Sijui hata kama zimeanza kulipwa au la kwa sababu huwa sizifuatilii na haka kama suala la posho hilo zilijadiliwa wakati wa vikao vya mwanzo mimi sikuwepo kwa sababu tulikuwa kwenye kesi yetu Arusha na bungeni tulikuja mwishoni wakati wa Muswada wa Katiba,” alisema Mbowe.

Ongezeko hili la posho za wabunge limekuja wakati Watanzania wakiendelea kuishi kwenye maisha magumu yanayochangiwa na mfumuko wa bei ambao mpaka mwisho mwa Oktoba ulikuwa umefikia asilimia 17.9.

Pia ongezeko hili limekuja wakati Watanzania wakiwa na matumaini ya posho hizi kupunguzwa baada ya Waziri Mkuu, Mizengo Pinda, kutangaza bungeni kuwa Serikali imekubali pendekezo la kutafakari na kuziangalia upya posho mbalimbali wanazolipwa wabunge na watumishi wote umma.

Mbunge wa Muhambwe (NCCR-Mageuzi), Felix Mkosamali alisema kuwa hawezi kuzungumza chochote juu ya posho hizo kwa kuwa hajapata barua rasmi juu ya kupanda kwake.

“Sijapata barua yoyote, nikiuliza na kupata majibu kwa wahusika nitakuwa na uhakika na nitakupa maoni yangu na msimamo wangu vizuri kabisa, lakini kwa sasa siwezi kusema chochote,” alisema Mkosamali.

Juni 7, mwaka huu Naibu Kiongozi wa Kambi Rasmi ya Upinzani Bungeni Zitto Kabwe, aliwasilisha barua Ofisi ya Bunge akikataa posho akisema watumishi wa Serikali na wabunge, hawastahili kulipwa posho wanapohudhuria vikao rasmi vya uwajibikaji wao wa kawaida.

Zitto alisema posho hiyo haistahili kulipwa kwake, wabunge wengine wala watumishi wa umma kwa kuwa kuhudhuria vikao ni sehemu ya kazi zao.

Alisema kitendo cha Waziri Mkuu kueleza kuwa watatafakari na kuangalia upya na kwamba suala la posho ni sera ya taifa na Ilani ya Uchaguzi ya CCM, ni ishara ya kiongozi huyo wa juu kukubali wazo la Chadema na safari ya kufuta posho hizo.

Awali, mara baada ya Chadema kutangaza msimamo huo, Spika Makinda alipinga uamuzi wa kususia posho akisema suala hilo lipo kisheria na kwamba hakuna mtu ambaye anaweza kuamua kuliondoa.

Alisema wabunge wa Chadema wataendelea kulipwa posho za vikao kupitia akaunti zao za benki na watatakiwa kusaini fomu ya mahudhurio ya Bunge, vinginevyo watajiweka katika wakati mbaya.

Hata hivyo, akihitimisha hoja za wabunge katika hotuba yake ya makadirio ya matumizi ya ofisi yake na zilizo chini yake juzi, Pinda alisema suala la posho lipo kwenye mchakato wa kuangaliwa upya.

Source: Mwananchi