Zitto na Demokrasia

Zitto na Demokrasia

Archive for the ‘TANESCO’ Category

Kigoma Kaskazini – a Potential Kerosene Free Constituency?

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Parliamentarians perform three core duties – Legislating, representation and oversight.

Ironically, one key duty is not constitutional – constituency promotion. Increasingly in Tanzania a Member of Parliament is judged not on his constitutional duties, but on constituency promotion duties like bringing in development projects such as roads, water, schools, hospitals and medicine etc. to the constituency, creating jobs and by making a lot of noise in Dodoma.

The people of Kigoma Kaskazini credit my service to them through several fronts but two that stand out is the road construction (the 60KM tarmac road Mwandiga-Manyovu & 34KM Kigoma-Kidahwe) and the other my being very vocal in Parliament. During my re-election campaign in 2010 my constituents in various meetings time and again reiterated the following “roads are done; now we want electricity”. True to their word they have been very vocal and holding me to account especially the coffee farmers of Kalinzi who want to add value to their coffee and get a better return.

The umeme vijijini is not an easy agenda and it is tough getting rural electrification projects from Rural Energy Agency (REA) as costs are very high and the government always gives them a small budget. In the 2011/2012 Budget about TZS 6.5bn was allocated to power 12 villages in Kigoma Kaskazini, but not one single shilling has been remitted to REA from the central government to implement the project. Rural electrification has remained a favorite catch phrase from the government and politicians to wananchi and usually elicits a lot of emotion but we have little to show as progress.

Kigoma Region, mainly Kigoma Town, uses diesel-powered thermal generators with installed capacity of 11MW. However, only 3-4MW is being produced – the cost of producing power in Kigoma is very high. While TANESCO spend TZS 1bn monthly to run Kigoma Generators, it collects about TZS 133Million.

Spurred by this and the many challenges that Kigoma has as a region and my constituency are facing, and being a green energy advocate, I have been championing for a green project working with a US based company known as KMR Infrastructure on a biomass project to produce 10MW of electricity in Kigoma and shut off expensive diesel generators.

The other day I had the opportunity and pleasure to meet the CEO of KMRI here in Washington DC and we discussed a number of issues with regard to their biomass project and other green projects/initiatives that I felt I should share. Some of the highlights from my meeting were;

  • By displacing TANESCO diesel mini-grids with biomass power it reduces TANESCO operating costs by 45%, generates thousands of local jobs in agriculture and uses local agricultural biofuel supply to displace imported diesel creating longer sustainable benefits to the region
  • Up to 25 Million USD will be invested into this biomass power plant in Kigoma over the coming 3 years.
  • In this project 1000 families will be provided with 5 hectares of land each for a bamboo plantation and bamboo will provide fuel for power generation. More jobs will be created through the whole value chain including transportation services. With strong linkages to the rural economy, the project is expected to have enormous positive effects to the people of the Region.
  • Power will increase in Kigoma, jobs created and TANESCO will cut their costs.


Kerosene Free Constituency

How will this alternative power solution transform the lives of people from low-income househoulds? KMRI had an answer that I coined “a kerosene free constituency” as highlighted below;

Most of Tanzanian villages’ households use kerosene or paraffin lamps for lighting. By setting up centralized solar charging stations, we could make entire villages kerosene free by replacing oil wick lamps with battery powered CFL light. This will reduce monthly lighting bill by 50% for rural households, provide 40 times better lighting and avoid health hazards from using kerosene or paraffin lighting.

The central village charging centers also act as employment opportunity for rural entrepreneurs providing them USD 3-4 per day in income and also creating immediate market based sustainable electrification program for Tanzanian villages.

Leveraging the proposed renewable biomass plant in Kigoma, a distributed renewable energy infrastructure would be setup to make this kerosene free village initiative.

As a starting point the biomass plan will help 20-40 entrepreneurs set up central solar charging stations in villages and charge 50-100 battery powered CFL lamps. The charging centers will use solar power during the day to charge CFL lights and then sell to households charged lamps that provide 15-20 hours of lighting. After the battery is exhausted, the households return the empty battery lights and can buy another charged light for fresh usage, similar to buying additional kerosene for their lamps. This pay per use model is similar to their current buying patterns and so will be easier to adopt as it is in line with existing habits.’

The daily cost of these CFLs will be 50% less than using kerosene for similar hours in a day.

The CFLs apart from being cheaper will provide considerably much better lighting and hence reduce strain on eyes.

Displacing kerosene also has other benefits like avoiding indoor smoke pollution, eye irritation and fire hazards.

In addition to lighting, the central solar station can also be used to charge cell phone batteries avoiding expensive trips to town and cutting cell phone charging costs by more than half. Providing a reliable and cheap source of charging a phone removes a huge constraint in mobile adoption thus promoting more telecommunication usage in rural areas, leading to increased economic activity, banking services, information availability, and reduced travel time.

The biomass power plant provides the necessary centralized infrastructure to equip and train the entrepreneurs, provide technicians to provide ready technical and operational support to the charging stations to ensure their continued successful functioning”.

Kigoma will also benefit from MCC funded project on solar power.

The solar project will put solar power on “45 secondary schools, 10 health centres, 120 dispensaries, municipal buildings and businesses across 25 village market centres currently without access to the electricity grid.

Camco International, a global clean energy developer, and Rex Investment Limited (RIL), a solar power contractor based in Tanzania, were just awarded USD 4.7 million for this rural Tanzanian solar power project in the region of Kigoma. Source: Clean Technica.

I am not just dreaming of seeing a Mwamgongo village woman throwing away a koroboi and embracing a cleaner energy at lower costs than kerosene, that costs much more in Kigoma, and in Mwamgongo in particular, compared to other places in Tanzania. Kerosene- free villages are in sight. A ‘koroboi’ free Kigoma Kaskazini is possible.

Hard work and focus are necessary. Going beyond the constitutional duties of a member of Parliament is necessary to transform the lives of our people.

Written by zittokabwe

May 17, 2012 at 1:49 PM


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Mpango mzuri, Fikra pungufu kidogo

Zitto Kabwe

Taifa zima lilikuwa linasubiri siku ya tarehe 13 Agosti 2011 ili kufahamu ni jambo lipi jipya Waziri wa Nishati na Madini atakuja nalo kuhusu kumaliza tatizo la mgawo wa Umeme nchini. Tangu mwaka 2006, Tanzania imekuwa ikipata tatizo hili kwa wastani wa kila mwaka isipokuwa mwaka 2007 na 2008 kipindi ambacho Shirika la Umeme nchini TANESCO lilikuwa linanunua umeme kutoka mitambo ya Kampuni za Aggreko na Dowans. Mwaka 2009 adha ya mgawo ilikuwa kubwa sana, ikaendelea mwaka 2010 na baadaye mwaka 2011. Mamlaka ya Mapato nchini walikadiria kupoteza zaidi ya shilingi 840 bilioni kama kodi kutokana na mgawo wa mwaka 2011 peke yake. Hakuna hesabu zilizowekwa wazi kuhusu mgawo wa mwaka 2009 na ule wa mwaka 2010. Pia wachumi wa Tanzania hawajaweza kutueleza katika kila mgawo unaotokea nchini ni kwa kiwango gani ukuaji wa Pato la Taifa unaathirika. Kwa mfano, ukuaji wa sekta ndogo ya Umeme ukiporomoka kwa nukta moja, ukuaji wa uchumi unaathirika kwa kiwango gani. Taarifa kama hizi zinaweza kusaidia sana watunga sera kuweza kujua umuhimu wa sekta ndogo ya Umeme katika juhudi za kukuza uchumi na kuondoa umasikini nchini.

Mwaka 2011 ulianza kwa Kamati za Bunge za Nishati na Madini na ile ya Mashirika ya Umma kuweka kipaumbele katika uzalishaji wa Nishati ya Umeme. Kamati ya Mashirika ya Umma ilijikita katika kuhakikisha Uzalishaji wa Umeme wa uhakika kutoka katika vyanzo vya Makaa ya Mawe (Mchuchuma, Ngaka na Kiwira).

Kamati ya Nishati na Madini Ilijikita katika kuhakikisha Wizara inasimamia vya kutosha sekta ndogo ya Umeme na kumaliza kabisa tatizo la Mgawo wa Umeme katika muda wa mfupi, wa kati na mrefu. Kutofanikiwa kwa juhudi hizi na hasa kutoonekana kwa Bajeti ya kutosha ya Sekta hii kulifanya Bunge likatae kupitisha Makadirio ya Matumizi ya Wizara ya Nishati na Madini.

Hatimaye Serikali ilileta Mpango wa Dharura ulioitwa Mkakati wa kuondoa Mgawo wa Umeme na kuimarisha Sekta ndogo ya Umeme. Mkakati huu ni wa miezi 16, kuanzia Agosti 2011 mpaka Disemba 2012. Mkakati huu utakagharimu jumla ya Shilingi 1.2trilioni. Fedha nyingi sana lakini kwa matumizi muhimu sana ya kulihami Taifa. Kimsingi hii ni ‘stimulus package’ kwa Sekta ya Umeme!

Mkakati huu utaingiza jumla ya 882MW za Umeme katika gridi ya Taifa ifikapo mwezi Disemba mwaka 2012. Katika hizi 572MW zitaingia katika Gridi mwezi Disemba 2011. Jumla ya 422MW zitatokana na Mashine za kuzalisha Umeme za kukodisha kutoka Kampuni mbalimbali binafsi (37MW Symbion, 80MW IPTL, 100MW Aggreco, 205MW Symbion II ). Mradi pekee ambao tunaweza kusema ni wa ndani ni ule wa 150MW ambao utamilikiwa na Shirika la Hifadhi ya Jamii (NSSF).

Shirika la NSSF liliomba Serikalini kuingia katika uzalishaji wa Umeme toka mwaka 2010 kufuatia maelekezo ya Kamati ya Bunge ya Hesabu za Mashirika ya Umma. Juhudi zake zilikuwa zinagonga mwamba kutoka kwa watendaji wa Wizara ya Nishati na Madini kwa sababu ambazo hazijaelezwa waziwazi. Kwa hatua ya sasa iliyo kwenye Mkakati, Tanzania italipa Kampuni binafsi za nje zaidi ya Shilingi 523 Bilioni kutokana na kununua Umeme kutoka katika mitambo yao. Ingewezekana kabisa NSSF wangeombwa kuwekeza zaidi na hata kuwaomba Mashirika mengine kama PSPF kuwekeza na kupunguza kulipa fedha za kigeni kwa kampuni za nje.

Serikali itatoa dhamana (guarantee) kuiwezesha TANESCO kuchukua mkopo wa 408 bilioni tshs kutoka katika Mabenki ya ndani. Sekta Fedha nchini itabidi iandae ‘syndicated’ mkopo mwingine kwa TANESCO zaidi ya ule wa mwanzo wa mwaka 2007 wa tshs 300 bilioni ambazo ninaamini unalipwa bila ya mashaka. Hivi Serikali isingeweza kuuza Bond ya thamani hiyo? Wataalamu wa fedha wataweza kulijuza Taifa njia bora zaidi ya kupata fedha hizi. Hata hivyo Sekta ya Fedha ni moja ya sekta zitakazo faidi Mkakati huu, ikiwemo Sekta ndogo ya Mafuta (kwa kuuza mafuta ya kuendesha mitambo). Sekta ndogo ya Usafiri pia nayo itafaidika kwa kusafirisha mafuta kutoka Bandari ya Dar es Salaam kwenda kwenye mikoa ambayo Mitambo ya kuzalisha umeme itawekwa kama Tanga, Dodoma, Mwanza na Arusha.

Ifikapo Mwezi Disemba 2012 Tanzania itakuwa imeongeza 310MW za Umeme ambazo zote zitakuwa zinamilikiwa na Shirika la Umeme au 150MW kati ya hizo Shirika la NSSF. Kwa maana hii ni kwamba katika jumla ya Uzalishaji wa Umeme wa 882MW  tunaotarajia kuongeza katika Gridi ya Taifa, utakaobakia nchini baada ya Mashine za kukodi kuondoka ni 460MW peke yake. Tutatumia  tshs 1.2tr kuingiza katika Gridi wa umeme wa kudumu wa 460MW tu. Hii inatokana na ukweli kwamba baada ya Disemba 2012 jumla ya 422MW zitakuwa zimeondoka kwenye Gridi baada ya mikataba ya kukodisha kumalizika.

Jambo moja zuri  ni kwamba Serikali imefikiri kimkakati kwamba tuwe hatuna mitambo ya kukodi ifikapo Disemba 2012 (kwa maana ya symbion na Aggreco). Huku ni kufikiri vizuri, kwamba Serikali itakuwa  imejenga uwezo wa Taifa kupitia TANESCO na NSSF kuwa na uwezo wa kuzalisha umeme wake. Imefanya ‘sequencing’ kwamba itatumia umeme wa kukodi wakati inajenga uwezo wa kununua mitambo yake yenyewe. Wakati Mikataba ya kukodi inakwisha, ndani ya miezi 16 Serikali kupitia TANESCO na NSSF itakuwa inazalisha 460MW. Hatua ya kupongeza.

Hata hivyo, Serikali na wananchi wanapaswa kujiuliza katika hiki kipindi cha mpito jambo gani litakuwa linafanyika? Ifikapo Disemba mwaka 2012 kutakuwa na mahitaji zaidi ya Umeme kwa ziada ya 200MW au zaidi. Hii inatokana na ukweli kwamba mahitaji ya umeme yaliyopo hivi sasa ni ‘suppressed’ licha ya ukuaji wa asilimia 15 kila mwaka. Vile vile inatarajiwa  kuwa kuwepo kwa umeme kutaongeza uzalishaji ambao utaongeza mahitaji zaidi. Hapa Serikali ilifikia ukomo wa kufikiri (ilichoka). Kunapaswa kuwa na kazi inayofanyika ambayo inafikiri zaidi ya 2012 (Thinking Beyond Dec 2012). Kunahitajika mradi wa angalau 200MW kuanza kutekelezwa kati ya sasa na Disemba 2012 ili mitambo ya kukodisha ikiondoka kuwepo na uwezo wa angalau 600MW. Hapa ndipo Mradi wa Kiwira I unaingia.

Mkakati wa Serikali kwa KIWIRA una makosa ya kifikra. Serikali inataka kukopa Uchina ili kujenga Kiwira. Mchakato wa mkopo utachukua zaidi ya miaka 2. Taifa haliwezi kusubiri. Serikali iharakishe utwaaji wa Hisa za Kampuni ya TanPower Resources na kukabidhi hisa hizo kwa Shirika la Umma. Shirika litangaze Zabuni kupata ‘strategic investor’ kwa utaratibu wa PPP ambao utazingatia kwamba mara baada ya Mwekezaji kujilipa gharama zake na faida kidogo umiliki uwe sawa kwa sawa (50/50).

Licha ya Mkakati kuendeshwa na zaidi na fedha za mikopo kutoka katika Mabenki, bado umepangwa vizuri mpaka 2012. Hata hivyo, Mkakati wa kuondoa mgawo wa Umeme na kuimarisha sekta ndogo ya Umeme nchini haukufikiriwa vya kutosha (inadequate thinking) na hasa kwa mbele ya 2012. Bado kuna fursa ya kuboresha. Kamati za Bunge za Nishati na Madini na Mashirika ya Umma zinapaswa kufuatilia kwa karibu sana utekelezaji wa Mkakati huu.

Barua niliyoandika kuhusu Umeme mwaka 2009

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Wasomaji wa Blog hii,

Niliandika barua hii Mwezi Machi mwaka 2009 wakati kukiwa na mjadala mkubwa sana kuhusu mitambo ya DOWANS. Jana nilipata fursa kupitia gazeti la Raiamwema kusoma taarifa aliyotoa Dr. Idris Rashid kuhusu suala hili.

Nikakumbuka barua hii. Japo ajenda sio manunuzi ya mitambo ya dowans tena(hatimaye mitambo ile imenunuliwa na kampuni ya kimarekani ya Symbion na kupewa mkataba na tanesco wa kuzalisha umeme, mkataba wenye capacity charge ya shilingi 152m kila siku), lakini barua hii bado ina mawazo muhimu, nafikiri, katika suala zima la umeme na maamuzi ya viongozi wa kisiasa.

Si vibaya nikiwakumbusha wakati ule.



Ninawaandikia barua hii ya wazi kujieleza kwenu kuhusu mjadala mkali uliolitikisa taifa siku chache zilizopita, kuhusiana na suala la maombi ya Shirika la Umeme (TANESCO) kununua mitambo ya kuzalisha umeme ya Dowans.

Mjadala ambao ulileta maneno na hisia nyingi sana katika jamii na miongoni mwa wanajamii. Hisia nyingine ziligusa uadilifu wangu binafsi na hivyo kutia mashaka imani kubwa ambayo Watanzania wamekuwa nayo kwangu na hata kwa chama changu.

Haya ni maelezo yangu mwenyewe, nimeandika mwenyewe ili kuwasiliana nanyi. Kwa maelezo haya wananchi wafanye uamuzi na kunihukumu. Baada ya maelezo haya sitasema tena kuhusiana na suala hili.

Kwa muda sasa kumekuwa na mjadala mkali sana nchini kuhusu suala la uamuzi wa TANESCO kununua mitambo iliyotumika ya kuzalishia umeme inayomilikiwa na Dowans.

Mjadala huu umehusisha TANESCO, Bunge (kamati mbili za Bunge, ile ya Nishati na Madini na ile ya Hesabu za Mashirika ya Umma – (PAC), serikali na watoa maoni – umma (public opinion makers).

Itakumbukwa kuwa Desemba 14, 2008, serikali iliwasiliana na Kamati ya Nishati na Madini ili kuijulisha nia yake ya kununua mitambo ya Dowans.

Kamati ya Nishati na Madini ilitoa ushauri wa kukataa ombi hilo la serikali. Uamuzi huo ulitangazwa na kamati kupitia vyombo vya habari mbalimbali.

Wakati huo, mimi na wenzangu wa CHADEMA tulikuwa jijini Mbeya kwenye kazi ya Operesheni Sangara na niliposikia uamuzi huo, nafsi yangu ilijiuliza kwa nini wameamua hivi?

Nchi inahitaji umeme sana na hata nilipoulizwa na waandishi nini maoni yangu, jibu langu lilikuwa ni la jumla sana, kwani niliamini kwa dhati kabisa, mwisho wa siku nishati ya umeme ni muhimu sana kwa taifa na hivyo kuna haja ya kupima mambo kwa undani zaidi.

Mjadala huu haukuendelea sana. Serikali ilitangaza baadaye kuachana na uamuzi huu wa kuingia zabuni ya kununua mitambo ya Dowans.

Mnamo Januari 21 mwaka 2009; Kamati ya Bunge ya Hesabu za Mashirika ya Umma, ambayo mimi ni Mwenyekiti wake iliwaita TANESCO ili kushughulikia hesabu zao kwa mujibu wa kanuni za Bunge toleo la 2007.

Hesabu zilizoshughulikiwa na kamati yangu ni hesabu za TANESCO zinazoishia Desemba 2007. Kulikuwa na mambo kadhaa ambayo yalijitokeza katika hesabu hizo.

Mosi, TANESCO walikuwa wamepata hati safi ya ukaguzi. Kamati iliwapongeza TANESCO kwa kuboresha kwa kiasi kikubwa vitabu vyao vya hesabu.

Ikumbukwe kuwa TANESCO ilikuwa chini ya menejimenti ya Wazungu wa Net Group Solution toka mwaka 2002. Katika hesabu za TANESCO zinazoishia Desemba mwaka 2006, Mkaguzi wa Hesabu alishindwa kutoa maoni, kwani TANESCO walikuwa na hesabu mbovu sana na hivyo kupata “disclaimer audit opinion.”

Kitendo cha menejimenti ya Watanzania kusafisha uozo na kupata hati safi ndani ya mwaka mmoja kilistahili pongezi.

Bado ninatoa pongezi hizo kwa menejimenti ya TANESCO na wafanyakazi wote wa TANESCO kwa kufanya kazi kwa bidii.

Mimi huwa ninafurahia sana (excited) matokeo mazuri ambayo Watanzania hufanya. Licha ya matatizo mbalimbali ambayo mashirika ya umma wanayo, ninapoona kuna juhudi zimefanyika kufanya jambo jema, huwa ninaona raha sana.

Kwa kweli, juhudi hizi za kusafisha vitabu vya TANESCO, zilinijengea imani kubwa sana na menejimenti ya TANESCO na kuona hawa watu wanaweza kutusaidia kama nchi kutatua tatizo la nishati ya umeme.

Pili, kamati ilipatwa na mshituko mkubwa sana kuhusiana na gharama za uzalishaji wa umeme. Hili nimelizungumza pia katika mahojiano yangu na baadhi ya waandishi wa habari kabla sijasafiri kwenda nje ya nchi.

Asilimia 42 ya umeme wa TANESCO unanunuliwa kutoka kwa wazalishaji wa umeme (Independent Power Producers – IPP). Hesabu ambazo kamati ilizipitia ni za Desemba 2007 na hivyo kulikuwa na makampuni mengi sana ambayo yalikuwa yanauza umeme kwa shirika letu.

TANESCO walikuwa wananunua umeme kutoka Dowans na makampuni mengine ya uzalishaji umeme kama Songas, Aggreko na IPTL. Mkataba wa Dowans na TANESCO ulivunjika Agosti mwaka 2008; na ule wa Aggreko ulikwisha Oktoba mwaka huo huo, yaani 2008.

Makampuni haya mawili yalikuwa yanazalisha jumla ya 140MW za umeme na kuingiza katika Gridi ya Taifa. Hivyo kuondoka kwake kuliondoa umeme mwingi sana kutoka kwenye gridi.

Pamoja na kwamba TANESCO wanazalisha asilimia 58 ya umeme wote unaozalishwa nchini, lakini wanatumia asilimia 84 ya mapato yao kununua umeme.

Yaani katika kila shilingi 100 ambazo wanapata, shilingi 84 wananunua umeme na shilingi 16 tu ndio zinatumika kwa kazi nyingine kama kulipa mishahara ya wafanyakazi, kukarabati njia za umeme na kuzalisha na kusambaza umeme zaidi kwa watu wengine.

Hili mimi binafsi niliona ni tatizo kubwa sana. Niliona ni tatizo ambalo suluhisho lake ni kuongeza uwezo wa TANESCO kuzalisha umeme zaidi. Vinginevyo itachukua karne Watanzania wengi kupata nishati hii muhimu sana katika juhudi za kuleta maendeleo.

Nchi yetu ni moja ya nchi ambazo usambazaji wa umeme upo chini sana. Taarifa za kitafiti (Household Budget Survey 2007) zinaonyesha kuwa katika kila nyumba 100 nchini, ni nyumba 12 tu zina umeme. Tena si umeme wa uhakika.

Hivyo, shirika la umma lenye jukumu la kuhakikisha kuwa Watanzania wanapata huduma hii muhimu linapotumia zaidi ya theluthi tatu ya mapato yake kununua chini ya nusu ya umeme unaosambazwa, linakuwa hatarini.

Hali hii Watanzania wengi hawaijui kwa sababu viongozi wetu hawatwambii, maana moja ya sababu iliyotufikisha hapo ni maamuzi yetu sisi wenyewe.

Kamati yangu iliona kuna haja kubwa sana kupata majibu ya menejimenti ya TANESCO kuhusu hali hii. Baada ya kupata majibu ya TANESCO ambayo yote yapo kwenye kumbukumbu za Bunge (Hansard), kamati iliwaagiza walete taarifa ya hatua wanazochukua kupunguza gharama na kuongeza mapato ili shirika liweze kupata faida na kuondokana na hasara.

Februari 21 mwaka 2009 TANESCO walikuja mbele ya kamati ili kutoa maelezo yaliyohitajiwa na Kamati ya POAC. Walieleza masuala mbalimbali juu ya hali ya nishati ya umeme nchini na hatua mbalimbali ambazo wanachukua ili kukabili hali hiyo.

Walieleza mikakati ya muda mrefu, muda wa kati na ya muda mfupi. Walieleza pia mikakati ya dharura ili kupunguza nakisi ya umeme iliyopo hivi sasa hapa nchini.

Hivyo walielezea nia yao ya kununua mitambo ya Dowans ili kuongeza umeme wanaozalisha wenyewe na pia kupunguza nakisi ya umeme iliyopo nchini.

Walieleza nia yao ya kupeleka mtambo wa 60MW mkoani Mwanza ili kuweza kukidhi hali ya uzalishaji wa umeme Kanda ya Ziwa, ambapo kuna ongezeko kubwa la umeme kufuatia kuanza kazi kwa mgodi wa Buzwagi na kuunganishwa mgodi wa North Mara kwenye gridi ya taifa.

Mtu akipata fursa ya kusoma taarifa za Bunge, ataona maswali ambayo kamati iliwauliza TANESCO. Maswali magumu sana. Haikuwa tu walikuja na kupewa watakacho. Hapana.

Kamati ikawauliza kwa nini kamati nyingine ya Bunge ya Nishati na Madini iliwakataza kununua mitambo hii, wakajibu kuwa kamati hiyo haikuwapa nafasi ya kujieleza.

Nimesikia Mwalimu wangu, Dk. Harrison Mwakyembe, akisema kamati iliwasikiliza. Napenda Watanzania wajue kuwa kuna taratibu za watu kuongea na wabunge.

Kulikuwa na mwakilishi wa TANESCO wakati Waziri wa Nishati na Madini alipokutana na Kamati ya Nishati na Madini. Mwakilishi huyu hakuzungumza kwani kamati ilipomaliza kumsikiliza waziri ikawatoa nje na ilipowarudisha ikatoa msimamo wake. TANESCO hawakusikilizwa na kamati ya kisekta.

Kamati ya Hesabu za Mashirika ya Umma ikaazimia kuwa suala hili lina utata ni vema kamati mbili za Bunge zikutane na kujadili na kufikia muafaka wa pamoja.

Tulitumia busara hii kama viongozi ili kuepuka kuchukua uamuzi unaopingana na kamati nyingine ya Bunge.

Sisi kama kamati yenye mamlaka ya kikanuni kuangalia ufanisi wa mashirika ya umma, tungeweza kutoa maoni yetu tofauti na kamati nyingine.

Wala hili si suala geni bungeni, kwani hata ndani ya kamati moja, wajumbe hutofautiana na wengine kutoa maoni tofauti (kumbuka kesi ya Mengi na Malima na uamuzi wa Anne Kilango Malecela na Christopher ole Sendeka).

Mimi binafsi nilikataa kulifikisha Bunge katika hali ya kuonekana kugawanyika kama ilivyo sasa. Ni wazi kuwa Kamati ya POAC ilikubaliana na hoja za TANESCO juu ya umuhimu wa kununua mitambo ya Dowans lakini ikataka kupata maoni ya kamati ya kisekta.

Hili ni suala la kawaida sana kwa mabunge ya Jumuiya ya Madola kwa kamati moja kukutana na kamati nyingine.

Hata hapa nchini mara nyingi sana Spika wa Bunge amekuwa akitoa fursa kwa kamati za Bunge kujadili mambo ambayo kimsingi ni ya Bunge zima ili kuboresha shughuli za Bunge.

Kamati ya Bunge ya Hesabu za Mashirika ya Umma imekuwa na kawaida ya kushirikisha wabunge wengine kutoka kamati nyingine katika kazi zake mbalimbali ili kuboresha mawasiliano ndani ya Bunge na kuhakikisha kuwa wabunge tunakuwa na habari zinazofanana.

Kuna mifano miwili napenda kuiweka wazi hapa ili Watanzania wajionee wenyewe mtindo wangu huu wa kushirikisha kamati nyingine kwenye kazi za Kamati ya Hesabu za Mashirika ya Umma.

1. Kamati ilifanya ziara kutembelea kiwanda cha Sukari cha Kagera na kuongozana na wajumbe wa Kamati ya Fedha na Uchumi na Kamati ya Maendeleo ya Jamii (kwani mifuko ya hifadhi ya jamii ipo katika kamati hizi mbili).

Madhumuni ya ziara hii yalikuwa ni kujiridhisha na uamuzi wa mifuko ya hifadhi ya jamii kukopesha Kampuni ya Sukari ya Kagera mabilioni ya fedha.

Kazi hii ni kazi ya kimahesabu kwa kamati yangu, lakini kwa busara za kiuongozi niliwasiliana na Mwenyekiti wa Kamati ya Fedha na Uchumi, Abdallah Kigoda na wa Kamati ya Maendeleo ya Jamii, Jenista Mhagama, ili kupata ushiriki wa kamati zao.

Mifuko hii pia kwa masuala ya kisera hukutana na kamati hizi na hivyo ushiriki wao ulikuwa unapanua mawasiliano ya kikamati.

2. Kamati ilifanya ziara nchini Kenya na Afrika Kusini na kuongozana na wajumbe wa Kamati ya Maliasili (kwani TANAPA ipo kwenye kamati hii).

Lengo la safari ilikuwa kuona jinsi wenzetu wanavyoshughulikia hesabu za taasisi za uhifadhi ili kuhakikisha kuwa uhifadhi wa wanyamapori unafanyika kwa tija bila bugudha ya serikali kuu kuchota fedha kutoka kwenye taasisi za hifadhi.

Kamati yangu iliwasiliana na Mwenyekiti wa Kamati ya Maliasili na kupata uwakilishi wa kamati hii katika kazi za Kamati ya Hesabu.

Hii yote ni kuonyesha umuhimu wa kamati za Bunge kufanya kazi pamoja. Kwa ‘spirit’ hii hii kamati ilitaka kamati mbili zikutane kuhusu hoja za TANESCO kabla ya kushauriwa vinginevyo na Katibu wa Bunge. Katibu wa Bunge aliniambia kuwa kamati mbili zisikutane.

Nilishtushwa kusoma katika vyombo vya habari (nikiwa ughaibuni nchini Suriname) kuwa Spika amekataa kamati kukutana, akijua kabisa kuwa hapakuwa na ombi hilo mezani kwake la kamati mbili kukutana, kwani tayari nilikuwa nimefuata ushauri wa Katibu wa Bunge na kuandika maoni ya kamati kwa Waziri wa Nishati na Madini.

Nakala ya barua yangu ipo Ofisi ya Bunge na kama Spika angepata japo nafasi ya kusoma barua ya Mwenyekiti wa Kamati ya Hesabu za Mashirika ya Umma kwa Waziri wa Nishati na Madini (ambayo imeandikwa kwa mujibu wa kanuni za Bunge na kwa ushauri wa Katibu wa Bunge) ninaamini asingeyasema aliyoyasema kwenye mkutano wake na vyombo vya habari.

Binafsi ninashindwa kuelewa Kamati ya Nishati ya Madini ina nini kwani wametaharuki sana na suala hili.

Hii inadhihirishwa na kitendo cha wao kumpigia spika simu na kumueleza kuwa kamati yetu imeamua mitambo ya Dowans inunuliwe ilhali kikao kilikuwa bado kinaendelea na hata ajenda ya Dowans haikuwa imefikiwa.

Spika naye alimtuma Katibu wa Bunge kuja kwangu kuulizia.

Nilichofanya ni kumfungulia mlango katibu na kumuonyesha kuwa hata kikao hakijaisha, tutakuwaje tumeamua?

Nataka nieleze waziwazi mbele ya umma na nihukumiwe kwa maamuzi (judgement) yangu kwamba nilikubaliana na hoja za TANESCO za kutaka kununua mitambo ya Dowans.

Ninaamini kuwa hoja zao ni za kitaalamu na ni sahihi. Ni hoja ambazo hazijibiwi kwa maelezo ya kisiasa tu na vita takatifu dhidi ya ufisadi iliyoanzishwa na chama changu cha CHADEMA.

Kuna hoja mbalimbali ambazo zinatolewa kupinga ununuzi huu, ikiwamo hoja ya kwamba sheria ya manunuzi ya umma ya mwaka 2004 inakataza.

Hakuna hata kipengele kimoja cha sheria ya manunuzi kinachokataza ununuzi wa mitambo iliyotumika.

Bahati mbaya sana wananchi wamelishwa sumu kali sana kuhusu suala hili na waandishi na wataalamu wa kutoa maoni bila hata kuuliza sheria gani ya manunuzi?

Hakuna hata mtu mmoja aliyediriki kutaja kipengele cha sheria ya manunuzi ya 2004 iliyotungwa na Bunge inayokataza kununua vifaa vilivyotumika.

Hata hivyo, kanuni za manunuzi, kanuni 58 (3) ndiyo inakataza na kanuni hutungwa na waziri mwenye mamlaka na kuchapishwa katika gazeti la serikali (GN).

Hivyo kama serikali inaona kuna suala la msingi kwa taifa inatoa ‘waiver’ kwa kanuni hii na suala hilo kutekelezwa. Sheria ya manunuzi imetumika tu kama kigezo cha wanaopinga mitambo hii kununuliwa bila kujali kuwa huko tunakokwenda kama taifa twaweza kukutwa na mazingira ambayo itatupasa kununua vifaa ambavyo si vipya.

Mzee Thabiti Kombo, alikuwa akisema, tuweke akiba! Si akiba ya fedha, akiba ya maneno. Viongozi ni lazima kuzingatia sana hili tunapokuwa tunajenga hoja zetu kusapoti misimamo yetu, kwani hoja hiyo hiyo yaweza kukuzuia kufanya maamuzi mengine muhimu kabisa kwa taifa. Tuweke akiba, viongozi!

Kuna wanaotoa maoni kuwa hii ni mitumba tu, isinunuliwe, Prof. Ibrahim Lipumba, mchumi mwenzangu amezungumza juu ya suala hili vizuri.

Hii nchi inayoendelea mitambo mikubwa kama ya madini, umeme na mingineyo yaweza isiwe mipya.

Sekta binafsi na hasa kwenye maeneo ya miundombinu hutumia sana vifaa vilivyokwisha kutumika.

TANESCO lazima liwe shirika ambalo linajiendesha kibiashara, huwezi kulipa masharti ya kimanunuzi sawa na wizara ambayo yenyewe kila mwaka unaipa bajeti. Shirika linapaswa kufanya maamuzi kibiashara.

Leo, tumeiondoa Stamico katika orodha ya mashirika yanayotakiwa kubinafsishwa ili washiriki kikamilifu katika sekta ya madini. Shirika la NDC tumelipa jukumu kubwa la kuendeleza Mchuchuma na Liganga.

Hawa hawatatumia mitambo mipya tu. Kuna migodi inafungwa sehemu mbalimbali za dunia na vifaa vyake vinahamishwa kupelekwa sehemu nyingine.

Hali ni hiyo hiyo kwenye sekta ya nishati. Haya maneno ya kisiasa yanayodakwa kwa kiasi kikubwa na hata baadhi ya wasomi, yatakuja kuligharimu taifa.

TANESCO wamefanya utafiti wa kitaalamu, ingepaswa Bunge kama lina mashaka lingetoa zabuni ya mtaalamu kufanya ukaguzi huru na kutoa ripoti yake. Unapinga maelezo ya kitaalamu kwa taarifa za kitaalamu.

Si taarifa za kina Selelii, eti tu kwa sababu walikuwa wajumbe wa Kamati ya Richmond. Hapana. Mataifa hayaongozwi namna hii.

Watanzania, Mkurugenzi Mkuu wa TANESCO amesema inachukua muda kununua mtambo mpya, kwani huchukua muda wa kutoa order, kuunda, kusafirisha, kufanya majaribio, kukamisheni na baadaye kuanza kuzalisha. Wanasiasa aah, mbona Dowans walichukua muda mfupi?

Sote tumeshasahau kuwa mitambo waliyoleta Richmond ilikuwa inatumika kwenye michezo ya Olimpiki kule Athens, Ugiriki na hivyo walinunua mitambo ambayo ilikuwa imeshatumika, ndiyo maana muda ulitumika mfupi.

Kama TANESCO watanunua mitambo iliyotumika tofauti na ile ya Dowans, hili la haraka litawezekana. Isipokuwa itakuwa ni mitambo iliyotumika.

Ni vema tutambue kuwa TANESCO, wamepanga kununua mitambo hii kwa kuwa ni suala la dharura.

Suluhisho la kudumu la uzalishaji wa umeme ni kumaliza miradi ya Mtwara 300MW, Kinyerezi 240MW na Ruhudji 350MW.

Vilevile ni kununua IPTL na kuigeuza kuwa gesi ili kupunguza gharama za kununua umeme. Miradi kama Stigler’s gorge nayo imo kwenye mipango ya nchi. Lakini kupanga ni kupanga, utekelezaji ni suala jingine.

Miradi yote hii ukiwamo ule wa Kiwira 200MW imekwama kwa sababu mbalimbali, ikiwemo vita dhidi ya ufisadi ambayo tunaendelea nayo. Ni ukweli usiopingika kuwa tupo kwenye tatizo kubwa la nishati ya umeme na ni lazima tupate ufumbuzi wa muda mrefu, wa kati na mfupi.

Mimi naanza kupata wasiwasi kuwa hii vita dhidi ya ufisadi ambayo ilianzishwa na CHADEMA na wabunge wa CCM aina ya Mwakyembe kuidaka inaanza kupoteza mwelekeo.

Vita dhidi ya ufisadi si “witch hunting”.

Vita dhidi ya ufisadi ni vita takatifu ambayo lazima itende haki. Hatuendeshi vita dhidi ya ufisadi ili kuridhisha makundi fulani na kukomoa kundi fulani la kisiasa. Hii si vita ya visasi hata kidogo.

Nchi ni zaidi ya vita dhidi ya ufisadi. A country must move forward. Hatuwezi kurundika sababu zote za umaskini wetu kwenye ufisadi, lazima tutambue kuwa matatizo tuliyonayo sasa ya nishati ya umeme ni matokeo ya makosa ya kisera tuliyoyafanya huko nyuma. Ninatumia neno tuliyoyafanya, maana hapa sasa ni letu wote. Tulifanya makosa ya kisera.


Sera ya ubinafsishaji iliyoliweka Shirika la TANESCO kwenye orodha ya kubinafsishwa (specification) ndiyo imesababisha TANESCO kuwa katika hali hii tuliyonayo.

Wakati tunachukua maamuzi haya ya kishenzi wanaopiga kelele kuhusu ufisadi hivi sasa (walokole wa vita ya ufisadi) ndio walikuwa watendaji serikalini.

William shellukindo, mzee ninayemheshimu sana sana katika duru za kibunge, alikuwa Katibu Mkuu Ofisi ya Waziri Mkuu, mratibu mkuu wa sera za serikali.

Baadaye mzee Shellukindo akawa Mwenyekiti wa Kamati ya Bunge ya Mashirika ya Umma. Mimi nilikuwa shuleni wakati huo. Sikumsikia anapinga na hivyo kuliokoa taifa na hata kufikia hapa tulipofikia.

Wakati tunafanya maamuzi haya ya kishenzi ya mashirikiano yetu, kina Dk. Mwakyembe ndio walikuwa marafiki vipenzi wa Rais Mkapa (blue eyed boys) na hawakumkatalia alipoleta Netgroup Solution baada ya miaka mitano ya kuhujumu TANESCO kama ‘A specified company.’

Hawa leo ndio wanamuuliza Dk. Rashidi alikuwa wapi mpaka kufikia kusiwe na umeme wa kutosha. Mimi nawauliza wao walikuwa wapi mpaka nchi kufikia hali hii?

Walikuwa wapi walipoamua kuwa serikali haiajiri na hivyo tuna crisis kubwa katika utumishi wa umma, kwa sababu ya ombwe la miaka 10 ya kutoajiri na hivyo makatibu wakuu na wakurugenzi wana hofu sasa wakiondoka nchi itakuwa kwenye tatizo.

Mwakyembe alisema Watanzania si mabwege. Ni kweli sisi si mabwege. Watanzania pia si mandondocha ambao hawajui walikotoka na wanakokwenda!

Viongozi wa Kamati ya Nishati na Madini wanataka Watanzania waamini kuwa matatizo tuliyonayo ya umeme yamesababishwa na Richmond na Dowans. Mimi ninakataa.

Kamati ya Nishati na Madini ya Bunge imefanya nini kuhusu Kampuni ya ALSTOM POWER RENTALL, ambayo imelipwa sh bilioni 30 bila kuzalisha umeme hata unit moja mpaka inamaliza mkataba wake? Kamati hii ni ya Richmond au Dowans tu? Mimi si ndondocha. Nipo tayari kuwa peke yangu.

Viongozi wanaowaambia wananchi wanayotaka kusikia na kuogopa kufanya maamuzi. Viongozi wanaotoa majibu mepesi kwenye matatizo ya msingi ya nchi hawana tofauti sana na Adolf Hitler.

Leo tukiwa na tatizo la msingi kabisa kuna watu watasema, mafisadi hao, ilimradi kupata wa kumlaumu.


Matokeo yake tunashindwa kutatua matatizo yetu ya msingi. Sababu kubwa ya Hitler kupata madaraka Ujerumani ilikuwa uwezo wake wa kutoa majibu matamu kwa maswali magumu.

Ni rahisi sana kusema tatizo la umeme chanzo ni mafisadi. Baadaye watasema tukipata madaraka tutakata vichwa mafisadi wote na nchi itakuwa sawa. Mungu apishe mbali.

Kuna ‘fundamentals’ za nchi haziko sawa ndiyo maana nimekuwa nikiomba tujenge national consesus (mwafaka wa kitaifa). Huwezi kumaliza tatizo la nishati ya umeme nchini kwa kusema, ‘ufisadi huu jamani.’


Ni lazima viongozi tukae chini na kufanya maamuzi magumu. Huwezi kuwa kiongozi ambaye siku zote unafanya maamuzi ‘popular’ ili ushangiliwe. Lazima uwe tayari kuzomewa, kutukanwa na kukashifiwa ili mradi uamue jambo unaloamini ni jema.

Hili la TANESCO kununua mitambo ni jambo jema ili tuongeze uwezo wa nchi kuzakisha nishati ya umeme. Kama kungekuwa na ufisadi, Dowans/TANESCO wangehonga kamati yangu au mimi binafsi. Sijaona kiongozi wa TANESCO au Dowans aliyenifuata ili kamati iamue kuwapendelea. Sijamwona.

Ninajua imani ya wananchi kwa wanasiasa ni ndogo sana. Imani ya Watanzania wenyewe kwa wenyewe ni ndogo sana. Utafiti wa serikali (PHDR 2007) unaonyesha asilimia 78 ya Watanzania hawaaminiani.

Hivyo ni sahihi kutoamini. Ni sahihi kuwa na mashaka. Hata hivyo mimi naamini kuwa suala hili ni jema kwa nchi.

Katika mahojiano ya Dk. Mwakyembe na ITV na baadaye kuandikwa na vyombo vya habari, alisema kuwa kamati yangu ilipewa posho kubwa ili kupitisha suala hili la Dowans.

Nimeshtushwa sana na kauli hiyo na kwa kweli ni kauli ambayo lazima ifanyiwe kazi na vyombo vya dola.

Nimemwandikia barua, Mkurugenzi Mkuu wa TAKUKURU na kumuomba afanye uchunguzi rasmi kwa wajumbe wote wa kamati yangu kama walipata posho yoyote ambayo hawakustahili katika kikao hicho kilichojadili suala la Dowans.

Tuhuma za kuhongwa si kitu cha mchezo na kuachwa tu. Ninachukia sana hongo. Ni muhimu suala hili kuchunguzwa.

Nimesikia Dk. Mwakyembe akisema yote niliyosema ni yangu binafsi na si ya kamati. Nimeshtushwa, imekuwaje Dk. Mwakyembe amejua kuwa niliyosema si maamuzi ya Kamati ya POAC ?

Inawezekana kuna wajumbe wenzangu wamemwambia kuwa hayakuwa maamuzi ya kamati. Hili nalo si jambo jema kwa mwenyekiti yeyote wa kamati ya Bunge.

Nimeamua, mara kamati itakapokutana kwa ajili ya vikao vyake, nitawaomba wajumbe wa kamati wapige kura ya kutokuwa na imani na mimi. Siwezi kuongoza kamati ambayo sisimamii maamuzi yake au yenye mgawanyiko ndani yake.

Iwapo nitashindwa kura hiyo ya kutokuwa na imani nami, nitajiuzulu uenyekiti wa kamati mara moja.

Iwapo nitashinda kura hii ya kutokuwa na imani nami, nitamtaka Dk. Mwakyembe, aniombe radhi kwa mtindo ule ule aliotumia kusema kuwa maamuzi niliyoyasema si ya kamati bali ni yangu binafsi.

Hatuwezi kuwa na viongozi wanaoropoka kila linalowajia mdomoni ili kutimiza matakwa yao ya kisiasa.

Nimekulia kwenye harakati za kisiasa. Nimelelewa katika malezi ya kidini na baadaye kijamii kupitia walimu wangu kama marehemu Profesa Chachage, Profesa Issa Shivji, Profesa Haroub Othman na Dk. Azaveli Lwaitama.

Walimu wangu hawa ambao huwachukulia kama wazee wangu, watakuwa ni moja ya watu ambao mjadala huu umewaumiza sana.

Hii ni pamoja na wanaharakati wengine wengi na hasa mama zangu wa Mtandao wa Jinsia Tanzania (TGNP) ambao walinilea tangu nikiwa chuo kikuu.

Viongozi wangu wa CHADEMA na hasa wazee wangu, Mzee Mtei, Makani, Masinde, Prof. Baregu na wengineo, watakuwa kwenye simanzi kubwa na kujiuliza kijana wetu huyu amepatwa na nini?

Wanachama wa CHADEMA nchi nzima wana maswali mengi vichwani mwao juu ya sakata hili. Vijana wa Tanzania ambao wamekuwa wakiniona kama ‘role model’ wao wametaharuki na sakata hili na hata wengine kuona wamenipoteza katika harakati.

Ninawaomba radhi kwa kuchukua uamuzi ambao wengi hamjaupenda. Uamuzi ambao kwa habari nilizopewa ninauona ni sahihi.

Ninaamini kuwa si mara zote mtu unayempenda huchukua uamuzi unaoupenda. Mara hii nimechukua uamuzi ambao ninaona ni muhimu kwa taifa, lakini haupendwi na wengi.

Ninaomba mnielewe. Hili ni jaribio la kiuongozi. Hii ni gharama ya uongozi. Gharama ambayo nipo tayari kuibeba.

Written by zittokabwe

July 22, 2011 at 12:33 AM

Restructuring Tanzania Petroleum Development Corporation (TPDC)

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Mapendekezo ya Kamati ya POAC

Ilipendekezwa kuwa Shirika la maendeleo ya Petroli Tanzania (TPDC ) ligawanywe ili kupata Mashirika mawili ya Umma  moja likisimamia utoaji wa leseni na Udhibiti wa Uchimbaji (upstream regulator) (Tanzania Petroleum Authority or National Hydrocarbons Authority) na lingine kuwa Kampuni ya kibiashara ya Mafuta na Gesi (National Oil and Gas Company) ambapo kila sehemu ya Muungano itakuwa na  Kampuni yake na kuondoa malalamiko ya sasa juu ya Mafuta na Gesi. Pendekezo hili Serikali haijalitolea majibu wala utaratibu wa kulitekeleza ili kuboresha usimamizi wa sekta ya Gesi na Mafuta.

Vile vile Pendekezo hili litaweka msingi wa Sekta ya Mafuta na Gesi kusimamiwa na chombo cha muungano badala ya sasa ambapo kinasimamiwa na TPDC ambayo sio Shirika la Muungano. Pendekezo hili litekelezwe mara moja.- POAC Report 2010

Interesting Articles from Africa Confidential :

Tanzania’s gas players

Songas consortium consists of PanAfrican Energy Limited, a subsidiary of Orca Exploration, CDC Globeleq and the state-owned Tanzania Petroleum Development Corporation (TPDC). Songas has operational rights over the Songo Songo-Dar es Salaam pipeline and well-established relationships with the government. Despite approaching new competition, it is keen to lock in the monopoly benefits it has enjoyed to date – hence its application for a 70% tariff increase for gas supplied to the Tanzania Electric Supply Company (Tanesco).

Maurel & Prom operates the Mnazi Bay field, hoping to supply a power plant at Mtwara and a newly announced fertiliser operation. With clear direction from the government, it could transform Mtwara and its own profits. No guidance is yet forthcoming. Both Maurel & Prom and Songas will face stiff competition if Britain’s Ophir Energy-BG Group and Petrobras develop their gas fields. The latter two have considerable acreage while the companies already in place have two discoveries. Both groups will be eyeing up the neighbouring exploration blocks on offer in the new round of bidding in April. The newcomers’ operations are likely to dwarf the existing ones. They see their main business opportunity in liquefied natural gas for export rather than for local markets.

A key figure will be David Jairo, Permanent Secretary at the Energy and Minerals Ministry, who is close to President Jakaya Kikwete having served as his Private Secretary. In the early 1990s, he was also in the Ministry of Water, Energy and Minerals, as it was then known, when Kikwete held the portfolio. He will be important in mediating among institutions, business and politicians. While Zitto Kabwe and January Makamba are putting energy at the top of their political agendas, more important in coming years will be whether Edward Lowassa wins 2015’s presidential election. If past performance is anything to go by, he could have an unfortunate impact on energy policy.

Gas finds offer hope of ending power-cuts
Powerful interests stood in the way of a sound energy policy emerging but everyone wants to turn on the gas
Despite obstacles from corrupt politicians, the exploitation of gas is likely to gather pace this year with new offshore discoveries. The opening on 12 April of the fourth offshore bidding round for 13 new blocks is likely to coincide with the commencement of drilling by Brazil’s Petrobras. Just one overworked pipeline runs the 200 kilometres from Songo Songo Island to Dar es Salaam. Last year’s gas discoveries by Ophir and British Gas in Tanzanian waters and this year’s by Anadarko in Mozambique, along with high fuel prices, will also help to generate interest in new export pipelines, liquefied natural gas (LNG) and much delayed gas-fired electricity generation.

However, Tanzania’s two existing gas deposits are not fully utilised. The oldest operation is the Songo Songo field, now operated by PanAfrican Energy Limited, a subsidiary of the Toronto-listed Orca Exploration Group. As part of the Songas consortium, it supplies gas to Dar es Salaam’s Ubungo power plant as well as to over 30 industrial facilities in the city.

Further south, the Mnazi Bay field near Mtwara town, now run by Maurel & Prom, is operating greatly below capacity since the collapse of plans to build a 300-megawatt power plant involving the gold mining companies Barrick and Artumas, the previous operators of Mnazi Bay. Three of the four Mnazi Bay wells are capped and the fourth is operating at just 10% of capacity. However, China is discussing financing that could revive plans for the plant at Mtwara, and Songas and Maurel & Prom hope to benefit from plans by the national electricity utility, Tanzania Electric Supply Company (Tanesco), for Dar es Salaam’s Kinyerezi plant to start generation in 2013.

Tanzania also has substantial coal reserves. Investors in gas fields cannot be certain that gas-generated power plants will necessarily be built and thus provide them with a market in the long run. Two feasibility studies will be carried out for a pipeline to Mombasa, one by Orca-owned EastCoast Transmission and Marketing, one by the East African Community. Ophir and BG are pinning their hopes on the development of LNG facilities.

The challenges are considerable. The power sector has been mismanaged for over 20 years. Power-rationing, first resorted to in the early nineties, is now a fact of daily life. The government first said it wanted to increase the use of natural gas in the 1990s but plans were thwarted by the corruption of key politicians and officials tied to Western companies exporting generating equipment that was not fuelled by gas. Also central has been the quick fix of hastily arranged power-purchases. Consequently, the power sector remains hamstrung and both the Dowans and IPTL generators are idle because of contractual disputes with Tanesco.

Many of those linked to the well-known cases of corruption in the power sector are still in or near to the corridors of power. Andrew Chenge was Attorney General when he approved the IPTL contract and he still sits on the Central Committee of the governing Chama cha Mapinduzi and in Parliament (AC Vol 51 No 4). Former Prime Minister Edward Lowassa, who resigned following revelations of his central role in the Richmond-Dowans affair, now chairs the Parliamentary Foreign Affairs, Defence and Security Committee and is believed to be preparing for a bid for the presidency in 2015.

One long-serving energy sector observer has also noted the tension between the Ministry of Energy and Minerals, Tanesco and the National Development Corporation. The NDC is responsible for state mining interests and is actively seeking investors in coal and wind power. NDC remains a key broker and has struck deals in China for the Mchuchuma coal mine as well as for wind in Singida Region. Yet another monolithic state institution in the power mix is unlikely to help to improve planning.

Regulation is also an issue. The Tanzania Petroleum Development Corporation has roles as both the regulator of upstream operations and as the state oil company and ultimate rights holder, which creates confusion and conflicts of interest. Legislation in the sector is outmoded, dating from 1980. A Natural Gas Bill has been in the works for some years but has been delayed by turf wars between fuel importers, TPDC, Parliament and Ministry officials. TPDC is looking to hive off an independent gas distribution entity and maintain its regulatory and operational roles. Industry interests want price control taken away from the Energy and Water Utilities Regulatory Authority. Moreover, there is pressure from Parliament to split TPDC and to have one upstream regulatory body and two state-owned oil companies, one each for Zanzibar and the mainland. The principal political backer for this is an opposition member of parliament, Zitto Kabwe, Chairman of the Parliamentary Public Investments Committee.

The lack of clarity in regulation, oversight and planning gives the advantage to companies already present and people with political connections. The Songas consortium and Orca’s PanAfrican Energy have considerable influence on pricing and infrastructure management. The senior management of these companies also has important personal and professional relationships with key players in government. Orca Deputy General Manager William Chiume is the son of the late Kanyama Chiume, an exiled Malawian politician resident in Tanzania and a confidant of former Presidents Julius Nyerere and Benjamin Mkapa. William Chiume also has President Kikwete’s ear.

Two politicians hope for political success through staking out development in the energy sector as their territory: Kabwe, of the opposition Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo, and CCM’s newly elected MP, January Makamba. Kabwe chairs the Public Investments Committee and is seeking restructuring of TPDC and the directing of public funds to the power sector.

Makamba is a son of CCM party Chairman Yussuf Makamba and a former aide to Kikwete. Articulate and energetic, he is building alliances with the private sector as well as oil and gas investors with a view to achieving quick gains – such as switching on the Dowans generators, which cannot be used because of court orders – and medium-term infrastructure development, such as investment in the Songas-operated Songo Songo-to-Dar pipeline.

Kabwe and non-governmental organisations have also taken considerable interest in mining. Yet populist measures on royalties and taxation, as well as the absence of any major new ventures in the sector since 2007, have seen this interest diminish. The recently released Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative report for Tanzania covered TPDC, Songas and Maurel & Prom among other mining companies but it is unlikely to lead to the broad popular and political interest that mining evinced since it has not yet been verified and its conclusions are not clear. Consumers can only hope that the new gas finds will lead to lower prices and more capacity – despite the obstacles.

Source: Africa Confidential


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Youthful MPs start grappling with solutions By Ani Jozen-The Guardian IPP Media

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Job descriptions are changing in how parliamentary committees relate to the work of government ministries they are supposed to supervise, from oversight of accounts and criticism of responsible officials, or impeaching them, to a different outlook.

Now it seems that parliamentary committees are beginning to enter into the nitty gritty of issues and look for solutions, often in the direction sought by the government, but could do nothing about it due to criticism from MPs. It means that when the same initiative or a modified version comes from MPs, it will no longer face obstacles to taking it up.

This outlook is evident from the tonality of the new leadership of the House committees handling energy issues, especially from Bumbuli MP January Makamba, where the generation gap is more in evidence than perhaps of other MPs.

He took over the seat from veteran permanent secretary William Shelukindo, and was handed the same job of chairing the parliamentary committee on energy matters, and his tone is markedly different from the elder ex-parliamentarian. It means that the usual thrust of Parliament, which certain quarters had become used to seeing as ethics, was only just style.

A major problem that has confronted Parliament since it started its current life as the 10th Parliament of the United Republic and 11th since independence, is the crippling power shedding in place since November.

There is a clear shift from requiring the government to empower Tanesco to solve this and other problems, to seeking solutions within public-private partnerships, including crossing limits hitherto imposed by the sense of ethics – but in actual fact style – predominant in the past legislature and largely explaining the current woes. The reasons are multiple but generation gap has a clear role.

What is at issue seems to focus around a proper comprehension of first, what is ‘public-private partnership’ and tied to it, clarifying its relationship with the public sector – as to how far the latter bends to the dictates of the partnership, or decides everything as if the partner was an agent.

This has so far been the way things are conducted in the energy sector in particular, leading to a chasm of sentiments on how decisions are made, to affirm public sector hegemony in all decision making. This has consequently thrown policy making into confusion, and partnerships become mostly non-starters.

For instance it is on the basis of insistence by MP Makamba that the government is now preparing amendments to the law on public procurement so that there is greater flexibility in deciding what sort of machinery or equipment can be procured by the government. One contradictory feature is that public agencies like ATC/ATCL can ‘wet lease’ any plane they can find, but electricity generation can’t be solved by procuring a system that would be in use for two years. It would be totally unlawful.

In the previous legislature the idea of making changes on the current law provisions would have been more or less out of question, and owing to opposition from MPs, government management of the sector was rudderless. The government was on the receiving end of criticism in the legislature and civil society, apart from opposition, and fending it off was sufficiently preoccupying as a task, before thinking of revisiting the legislation itself, to give it room to do what precisely was being considered as wrong ethically and contrary to the law. In other words MPs saw the law as fully rational on the issue.

This is not patently the case anymore, as it is beginning to emerge within the precincts of the House committees that the parliamentary ideal – procurement as stipulated by the law – was too hemmed in for comfort. What is missing is the combative mood of the past legislature, that wishing to alter the legislation as it was merely to observe the biddings of vested interests, since their object of pursuit, that the government purchases a new generation system, as for all intents and purposes failed. When any of their adherents address the issue, for instance among opposition MPs, they query why it is so.

What is emerging can be called a ‘wet purchasing’ regime similar to ‘wet leasing’ elsewhere, despite that the two may have different connotations, and it means that a sort of puritanism of public sector demands is being eclipsed. Obviously there is another side to the matter as the 2004 Act may have been designed to stop negative instances of purchases of ramshackle equipment and there is no way the likely complications can be prefigured or otherwise avoided but placing a blanket law about what to purchase. It means the purchasing will be closely supervised, to it keep within the public interest.

When this hurdle is crossed within the legislature, examining what can also be done in relation to parastatal restructuring begins to take a new image, for instance in the case of another youthful MP, Zitto Zuberi Kabwe in charge of accounts of parastatal organizations.

The MP has been insisting on taking up a structure where TANESCO is relieved of generation capacity and only takes up generated power, transmits it to power stations and distributes it to consumers. It is unclear if this is a changed proposal agreed collectively, or it is personal opinion to restart the debate on unbundling of Tanesco.

While the whole idea of unbundling of Tanesco is likely to confront teething problems of a practical character, it marks a shift from a situation where such issues were only being discussed in offices of the ministry and much less in Tanesco itself. Parliament was by and large disposed only to criticism of government officials, imputing or otherwise in determination of wrongdoing, with a standard political penalty of resigning from a ministerial position. That way matters looked easy, as it was enough for a particular sentiment on governance to be breached for such imputation of responsibility to come up.

What is therefore emerging is that there is clear paralysis of government action on account of being closely watched by parliamentary committees and the wider House, and fractious disputes within the ruling party, rising up to Cabinet level. This means that the government has enough on its hands just trying to keep the peace both within its own ranks and in its dealings with Parliament and civil society that it can scarcely take initiative one way or another.

As a result, vast expectations of change arose in the past general elections and failed, and meanwhile much of the old guard in the House went out.

It is consequently undeniable that a shift in tone and even in comprehension of tasks of MPs and of government has taken place in Parliament, and as a result it is the House which is moving proposals in more than one area. Altering the law on procurement to make it flexible, instead of imposing singular choices of purchasing new systems as dictated by preferences of parastatal boards and radical MPs backed by a World Bank advised legislation is one example, since its only alternative is permanent load shedding. Without a shift of sentiments in the House, no such amendments would come about.

So there is a surprising situation in both parts of the Union, where in Zanzibar the political paralysis has been resolved by having the two contentious parties constituting a government of national unity, while the paralysis on the Mainland is being resolved differently.

It is being catered for by changing mentalities among MPs partly on account of the generation gap, where the likes of January Makamba or Zitto Kabwe don’t have parastatal interests at heart, or seeing Parliament as a disciplinary caucus to control executive ethics, but a problem resolving environment. It is likely to be a relief to the public.

Source: The Guardian

URL: http://bit.ly/dGtA4l

Written by zittokabwe

March 21, 2011 at 10:02 AM


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Na Zitto Kabwe

Katika gazeti la Mwananchi Jumapili la tarehe 27 Aprili 2011 ndugu yangu Lula Wa Ndali Mwananzela aliandika makala nzuri sana. Makala hiyo ilibeba kichwa cha ‘Kwa nini TANESCO isipewe Kiwira’ ikiwa kama hoja mbadala. Lula anafungua makala yake kwa kusema ‘kitu pekee ambacho hawataki kukifanya ni kuiweka Kiwira chini ya TANESCO’. Sijui kwa nini alianza na kauli hii. Hata hivyo hii ni makala ambayo ni vema ipate majibu ili kuweka sawa mjadala huu wa umiliki wa KIWIRA.

Mjadala uliopo sasa ni wa Shirika la NSSF kupewa mgodi wa KIWIRA na kuwekeza ili kuchimba makaa ya mawe na kisha kuzalisha umeme kiwango cha 200MW. Ndugu Lula pamoja na baadhi ya Watanzania wametia mashaka juu ya wazo hili na makala ninayoijadili hapa ni sehemu ya kujaribu kutafuta mbadala wa wazo hili la NSSF. Ningependa kwanza kutoa taarifa za awali ili kuhakikisha kuwa wasomaji wanaelewa nini kilipelekea wazo hili la NSSF kuingia katika uzalishaji wa umeme na hata wazo la mgodi wa KIWIRA kukabidhiwa NSSF.

Sote tunafahamu hadithi nzima ya mgodi wa KIWIRA. Kwamba mgodi ulibinafsishwa bila kufuata taratibu kwa Kampuni yenye mahusiano na Rais mstaafu Benjamin Mkapa na Waziri wake Daniel Yona, ni taariffa inayojulikana kwa umma. Mambo kadhaa hayajulikani kwa umma na hivyo wakati mwingine watu kutoa maoni bila habari kamili.

Mojawapo ya habari ambazo inawezekana hazijulikani ni kwamba kampuni ya TANPOWER RESOURCES ambayo ilimilikishwa mgodi wa KIWIRA ilichukua mikopo kutoka taasisi za kifedha ili kuanza uzalishaji kwa kuchimba makaa ya mawe na kisha kuyatumia kuzalisha umeme. Baadhi ya taasisi ambazo zilitoa mkopo huu ni pamoja na mifuko ya hifadhi ya jamii kama NSSF na PSPF. Mikopo hii ilidhaminiwa na Benki ya CRDB. NSSF pekee waliwapa Tanpower Resources jumla ya dola za kimarekani milioni 7 na mpaka sasa hazijalipwa. Serikali ilipotangaza kuuchukua mgodi huu, tukaanza kuhoji hatma ya fedha hizi za mifuko itakuwa nini.

Kutokana na hali halisi kwamba mgodi huu unaweza kuzalisha umeme wa kutosha na kwa faida na kinachotakiwa ni uwekezaji tu, baadhi yetu tukaja na wazo kwamba deni la NSSF kwa KIWIRA libadilishwe kuwa mtaji (equity) na hivyo mfuko kuwa sehemu ya wamiliki wa mgodi na kisha mgodi uanze kazi. Hili ni suala la kawaida kabisa katika biashara duniani lakini pia ni suala ambalo lingerahisisha umiliki wa Serikali kwa mgodi huu. Mimi binafsi nilitoa wazo hili ili kulinda fedha za umma katika vikao vya kamati ya Bunge ya Hesabu za Mashirika ya Umma. Ilibidi wazo hili likafanyiwe kazi na wataalamu kuweza kufahamu kama litakuwa na maslahi kwa Mfuko.

Baada ya tafiti mbalimbali kufanywa, iligundulika kuwa kote duniani, narudia, kote duniani mifuko ya hifadhi ya jamii imewekeza sana kwenye nishati. Nchini Ufaransa na Malaysia zaidi ya robo ya umeme unaozalishwa hutokana na uwekezaji uliofanywa na mifuko yao ya hifadhi ya jamii. Vile vile ilionekana kuwa licha ya faida kwa uchumi wa nchi, uwekezaji katika kuzalisha umeme una faida kubwa sana kwa mifuko yenyewe na hivyo kulinda fedha za michango ya wafanyakazi na kuwahakikishia malipo yao pindi muda wa kulipa unapofika. Hivyo, wataalamu wa uchumi, uwekezaji katika madini na umeme wakashauri kwamba NSSF wamilikishwe mgodi wote kwa asilimia 100, wawekeze, wazalishe umeme na kuuza kwa TANESCO. Ifahamike pia kuwa taasisi za fedha zilizoikopesha tanpower resources zilishatoa notice kuifilisi kampuni hii ili wauze mali na mali ya kampuni hii kisheria ni mgodi. Uuzaji wa namna hii unahatarisha azma ya Taifa ya kimkakati (strategic decision) ambayo ni kuzalisha umeme. NSSF walikuwa tayari kununua madeni yote, kulipa wafanyakazi na kuwekeza kama sehemu ya mkakati wao wa kusambaza vitega uchumi vyao (diversification of assets).

Ikumbukwe pia kwamba mnamo mwezi Mei mwaka 2010, Kamati ya Bunge ya Mashirika ya Umma ilikutana na Mifuko yote ya hifadhi ya jamii na kuwaagiza washiriki katika juhudi za kuongeza uzalishaji wa Nishati ya Umeme ili kuepuka mikataba isiyo na maslahi ambayo kampuni binafsi zinaingia na Shirika la Umeme la TANESCO. Mikataba hii yenye ‘capacity charges’ na gharama nyingine kubwa inalitafuna Taifa kweli kweli. Sasa tunapopata Shirika la Umma lingine lenye uwezo wa kushindana na sekta binafsi, Taifa linafaidika zaidi. Baada ya maelezo haya nijaribu kuangalia hoja kadhaa za ndugu Lula ambaye anashauri kuwa TANESCO wapewe KIWIRA (ninaamini badala ya NSSF).

Ndugu Lula anasema, viongozi wanataka kujenga Taifa la wastani, yaani taifa ambalo halitaki kujaribu mambo makubwa. Moja ya mambo makubwa anayoshauri yeye ni kuiweka Kiwira chini ya TANESCO. Lula anasahau kuwa TANESCO ndiyo yenye ukiritimba wa uzalishaji umeme nchini. Wakati ‘installed capacity’ ya umeme nchini ni 1034MW, za makampuni binafsi ni takribani 180MW pekee za Songas na takribani 30 MW za makampuni mengine madogo madogo. Hata ukiweka 100MW za IPTL na baadaye 100MW za Dowans bado TANESCO watakuwa na zaidi ya 60%ya uzalishaji wa umeme. TANESCO wamekabidhiwa uhodhi kwenye usafirishaji (Transmission) na usambazaji. TANESCO ni lidubwana likubwa kweli kweli! Lula anataka tuwarundikie na KIWIRA.

Ikumbukwe KIWIRA ni 200MW pekee zinaweza kuzalishwa wakati TANESCO wana miradi mikubwa kama ule wa Kinyerezi wa 240MW na bado wanasuasua nao. Ni akili ya kawaida sana kuwa hatuwezi kuwatutika mzigo mwingine.

Lula afahamu kuwa kupewa mgodi ni jambo moja na kuwekeza ni jambo linguine. TANESCO hawana fedha za kuwekeza katika KIWIRA. Hata kama wangekuwa na fedha hizo ingekuwa bora TANESCO wawekeze kwenye njia za kusafirisha umeme ambazo zimechoka na zinapoteza 23% ya umeme wote unaozalishwa katika vyanzo vya Maji. Kiwango hiki cha umeme unaopotea ni sawa na kupoteza dola milioni 100 kila mwaka, yaani tunazalisha umeme na kuutupa! Kama TANESCO wana fedha wawekeze huko na kuachia uzalishaji wa umeme kwa wengine.

Kenya, kuna kampuni mbili za Umma – moja inazalisha tu umeme na nyingine inasafirisha na kusambaza. Ile ya kuzalisha inaitwa KenGen. Inapata faida na ipo kwenye soko la hisa la Nairobi! Ile ya kusambaza inaitwa KPLC. Inapata faida na ipo kwenye soko la hisa pia. Juzi tu KPLC wametoa ‘right issue’ ya hisa zake na Rais Kibaki alikuwa mgeni rasmi katika uzinduzi wa kuuza hisa hizi kwa wakenya. Tunataka ifikie mahala ambapo TANESCO wataweza kuweka muda kwenye kusafirisha umeme unaozalishwa kwenye vyanzo mbalimbali na kuusambaza kwa Wateja.

Nikipata Mashirika ya Umma yenye kuweza kuzalisha umeme wa kutosha na kuiuzia TANESCO gharama nafuu, nitafurahi zaidi kwani Taifa litaondokana na mikataba ya kinyonyaji ambayo TANESCO imeingia na kampuni binafsi. Ndio maana ninaunga mkono NSSF kuwekeza katika uzalishaji wa umeme. Huku ndio kufikiria na kufanya mambo makubwa! Anachoshauri ndugu Lula ni ‘status quo’ ama business as usual. Ni kufikiria kwa wastani ili kujenga Taifa la wastani. Uamuzi wa kuipa NSSF mgodi wa KIWIRA ni kufikiria makubwa na kujenga Taifa linalofanya mambo makubwa. Fikra za Uongozi wa NSSF ni sawa na fikra za Dr. Mahathir Mohammed na ndio fikra ninazoamini zitaitoa nchi kutoka ilipo hivi sasa.

Ndugu Lula anasema mpango wa NSSF kumiliki KIWIRA unaacha maswali mengi. Hayataji maswali hayo na kuishia kusema ni sawa na kumpigia mbuzi gitaa. Nadhani kwa faida ya wasomaji wake ni vema angeuliza maswali hayo ili aweze kupata majibu badala ya kunung’unika tu. Ninaamini kabisa kuwa maswali yote yana majibu, anaweza kuyakataa majibu hayo lakini hatakosa majibu. Kwamba kwa nini ‘hawataki kuiacha kiwira mikononi mwa TANESCO’ nimejaribu kulijibu huko juu. Kwanza sio suala la kuiacha kiwira kwa tanesco maana tanesco hawajawahi kumiliki KIWIRA. KIWIRA ilikuwa mali ya STAMICO na katika makala yake yote hazungumzii kabisa Shirika hili. KIWIRA ilijengwa wakati wa Rais Ali Hassan Mwinyi (Lula kasema wakati wa Nyerere, amekosea. Ilijengwa mwaka 1988) ilimilikiwa na STAMICO kabla ya kumpa Mkapa na rafiki zake. Ningemwelewa hoja yake kama angesema kiwira irudi kwa STAMICO, wazalishe makaa, wazalishe umeme na kisha wauze kwa TANESCO. Hoja hii pia nimewaambia NSSF. Kwamba Kiwira waimiliki kwa Ubia na STAMICO kwani STAMICO ndio Shirika letu la Umma kwenye uchimbaji. Hawana fedha za kuwekeza kwenye mradi mkubwa kama huu, hivyo wapate hisa ambazo watazilipa kutokana na mgawo wa faida (dividend) yao. NSSF ni mwekezaji, ana fedha. Utaalamu ataupata kwa STAMICO na menejiment watakayoiweka. NSSF haiendi kuchimba madini. Inawekeza fedha zake kwenye kampuni yake tanzu. Maana kuna maswali sasa hawa wanajua nini kuhusu umeme. NSSF ni entrepreneur! Watanzania sasa ni lazima tuelewe masuala mepesi kabisa ya uendeshaji wa uchumi wa kisasa. Dr. Ramadhani Dau haendi kushika sururu au kuendesha crane. Anawekeza na kuajiri ‘the best managers’ wa kuendesha mradi.

Ndugu Lula anasema Kiwira ni kampuni ya serikali na tanesco ni kampuni ya serikali. Anahoji kuna ugumu gani wa kuiweka kiwira chini ya tanesco. NSSF ni kampuni ya serikali pia. Kuna ugumu gani kwa NSSF kumiliki KIWIRA, kuwekeza mtaji, kuchimba makaa ya mawe na kuzalisha umeme kisha kuuza umeme huo kwa tanesco ili tanesco wabaki na jukumu la kusafirisha umeme na kusambaza kwa wateja. Kuna ugumu gani?

Lula anashauri kuwe na kampuni mbili, moja ya kuchimba makaa ya mawe na hii hana tatizo ipewe NSSF na nyingine ya kuzalisha umeme. Hana tatizo NSSF kuchimba makaa ya mawe bali tatizo lake wasizalishe umeme. Sielewi.

Hoja kwamba uchimbaji ndio unahitaji uwekezaji mkubwa. Sijui ndugu yangu ana takwimu zipi kuhusu uwekezaji katika maeneo haya. Sababu ile ile ya kuikatalia NSSF kuzalisha umeme ndiyo hiyo hiyo angeitumia kusema kuchimba makaa ya mawe waachiwe STAMICO. Isipokuwa Lula akumbuke kwamba, kuna kitu kinaitwa ‘economies of scale’, kama uchimbaji makaa na uzalilishaji umeme vikifanywa na kampuni moja, gharama za uzalishaji zinasambaa na hivyo inakuwa ni nafuu. Kuwa na wamiliki wawili tofauti ina maana kutakuwa na mikataba ya kuuziana makaa jambo ambalo yeye mwenyewe hataki mikataba ya kuuziana umeme. Uwekezaji katika KIWIRA unahitaji kuwa ‘integrated’ kwa kuchimba makaa ya mawe na kuzalisha umeme ili kuleta Tija.

Ndugu Lula anahoji kama NSSF wanataka kusaidia kuzalisha umeme kwanini hawaagizi majenereta? Hapa ndugu yangu kakosa tu taarifa. Mpango wa NSSF ni kuzalisha 500MW kwa kuanzia. Kiwira 200MW na 300MW majenereta ya gesi, 100MW itawekwa Mkuranga ili kutumia gesi ya Mkuranga na 200MW zitawekwa Dar na kutumia gesi ya Songosongo. Kuna mawazo kuwa zote hizi 300MW ziwekwe Somanga Fungu na kujenga transmission lines mpaka Dar es Salaam. Hizi jenerata za kuzalisha 300MW NSSF wapo tayari kuzinunua hata jana. Ni vizuri kabla ya kuanza kutoa shutuma mtu akapata taarifa za kina. Kuna watu hawalali wanafikiri jinsi ya kumaliza tatizo la umeme nchini. NSSF wanafuata maagizo ya Kamati ya Mashirika ya Umma kwa umakini mkubwa kwani lengo letu ni kuondokana na mzigo mkubwa wa mikataba ya kuzalisha umeme kwa kujenga uwezo wa ndani wa kuwekeza. Juhudi hizi zapaswa kuungwa mkono na sio kubezwa. Labda tatizo la ndugu Lula ni wenye kubeba ujumbe huu na sio ujumbe wenyewe!

Mwisho, ni vema Watanzania wafahamu kuwa maamuzi ya mifuko ya hifadhi ya jamii kuwekeza kwenye kuzalisha nishati ya umeme yana faida kubwa sana kwa umma na kwa mifuko yenyewe. Kwa mfano NSSF wanapata fedha kutoka kwenye michango ya wanachama. Wanachama wao ni wafanyakazi kwenye viwanda, migodi, makampuni ya huduma nk. Iwapo nchi ikikosa umeme, viwanda vikafungwa na watu kukosa kazi, maana yake mifuko inapoteza wanachama na fedha pia. Iwapo umeme wa kutosha na wa uhakika unapatikana, viwanda vikaanzishwa, watu wakaajiriwa mifuko inapata wanachama na kupata fedha pia. Ni ‘interest’ ya mifuko kama NSSF kuona uchumi unapanuka na watu wanapata ajira. Mradi wa KIWIRA peke yake utatoa ajira zaidi ya 500 na hivyo kutengeneza wanachama wa mifuko zaidi ya 500. Hapo hujaweka kampuni za huduma ambazo zitaanzishwa kama sehemu ya ‘multiplier effect’! Huku ndio kujenga Taifa linalojaribu mambo makubwa.

Vile vile, mifuko ni lazima iwekeze kwenye vitega uchumi vyenye kuleta faida ili waweze kulipa mafao kwa wanachama wao. Michango tu ya wanachama haitoshelezi kulipia mafao. Uzalishaji wa Umeme, licha ya faida kwa uchumi kwa ujumla wake, ni mradi wenye faida kubwa. Hivyo ni eneo ambalo litahakikisha kuwa fedha za wafanyakazi zinakuwa salama na hivyo kuwa tayari kulipa fidia. Kutokana na uwezekaji mbalimbali, ndio maana NSSF leo wanalipa wanachama wao tsh. 80,000 kwa mwezi wakati pensheni ya serikali ni tshs 20,000 tu. Ndio maana NSSF wana akiba ya kuwalipa wanachama wao miaka 50 ijayo bila kupokea mchango wowote kuanzia leo.

Uwekezaji wa NSSF kwenye mgodi wa KIWIRA ili kuzalisha 200MW za umeme na katika mradi wa 300MW kwa kutumia Gesi ni sehemu ya mikakati ya kuliondoa Taifa katika mikataba ya kinyonyaji na makampuni ya kigeni. Uwekezaji huu utaipunguzia TANESCO mzigo wa gharama za kuzalisha umeme na badala yake kuwekeza nguvu zake katika kusafirisha umeme (kuwekeza kwenye miundombinu) na kusambaza umeme kwa wateja. Iwapo tutawekeza vya kutosha kwenye uzalishaji wa umeme kwa kutumia mifuko yetu ya hifadhi ya jamii na TANESCO wakawekeza katika usafirishaji na usambazaji, ni dhahiri tutafikia lengo la kuunganisha zaidi ya nusu ya Watanzania kwenye mfumo wa umeme. Huko ndipo twapasa kwenda!

Written by zittokabwe

March 2, 2011 at 10:22 AM