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TAARIFA KWA VYOMBO VYA HABARI Kampeni ya kupunguza umri wa urais haina uhusiano na mimi kutaka kugombea urais 2015

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KABWE ZUBERI ZITTO, MP

KIGOMA KASKAZINI

 TAARIFA KWA VYOMBO VYA HABARI

Kampeni ya kupunguza umri wa urais haina uhusiano na mimi kutaka kugombea urais 2015

  1. Baadhi ya vyombo vya habari vimehusisha kauli yangu ya kutaka kupunguza umri wa kugombea urais na mimi ‘kuutaka urais’. Mimi nikiwa mwanachama na kiongozi wa chama chama changu cha CHADEMA naelewa na kuziheshimu taratibu na kanuni tulizojiwekea za kuomba nafasi mbalimbali za uongozi, ikiwemo nafasi ya urais. Nafasi ya uongozi ndani ya CHADEMA haiombwi kwenye warsha. Iwapo chama changu, wakati muafaka ukifika na kutokana na matakwa ya jamii, kikiona nipewe jukumu lolote sitasita kutekeleza wajibu huo niwe au nisiwe mgombea.
  2. Kwa hivyo, nilichozungumza jana ni kutoa maoni yangu kwamba muda umefika kwa Taifa letu kupunguza umri wa kugombea urais. Maoni yangu haya yanatokana na ukweli kwamba hakuna sababu zozote za kisayansi zinazomfanya mtu aliye chini ya umri wa miaka 40 akose sifa za kuwa Rais. Msimamo huu nimekuwa nao tangu zamani nikisoma shule na haujawahi kubadilika. Hakuna mahala popote katika maoni yangu niliyotoa jana niliposema kwamba nataka umri wa urais upunguzwe ili nipate fursa ya kugombea nafasi ya urais. Pia siwezi kutaka katiba iandikwe kwa ajili yangu. Vilevile kamwe isionekane kwamba matakwa ya muda mrefu ya vijana ya kutaka umri wa kugombea Urais kupunguzwa yanalenga kunipa fursa mimi kwani mimi ni binaadamu naweza nisiwe na sifa za kuwa Rais lakini kukawa na vijana wengine wengi wenye umri chini ya miaka 40 wenye Uwezo na Uzalendo wa kutosha kushika usukani wa nchi yetu. Ni maoni yangu kwamba tupate mabadiliko ya vizazi katika uongozi wa nchi yetu ili kukabili changamoto za sasa zinazokabili Taifa letu.
  3. Tunapojiandaa kutoa maoni kuhusu Katiba Mpya ni vizuri vyombo vya habari vikajikita kutoa taarifa bila kuweka tafsiri au kuwatafasiria maoni ambayo wananchi na viongozi watakuwa wanayatoa kuhusu maudhui ya Katiba Mpya.

Dar es Salaam

29 Februari 2012

Written by zittokabwe

February 29, 2012 at 1:25 PM

YES TANZANIA Event : ‘Leadership, Constitutional Debate, Electricity Crisis and Loliondo Phenomenon’ at Movenpick Hotel, Dar es Salaam

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The three panelists, Ismail Jussa, January Makamba and myself, exchanging views just before opening of the panel discussion

 

The four panelists at the discussion organised by a group called YES TANZANIA on 'Leadership, Constitutional Debate, Electricity Crisis and Loliondo Phenomenon' at Movenpick Hotel, Dar es Salaam. From left to right: Ismail Jussa, Zitto Kabwe, Elsie Eyakuze and January Makamba.

Pictures courtesy of Ismail Jussa

Written by zittokabwe

June 8, 2011 at 2:45 PM

Private Member’s Bill: Notice to Establish a Parliamentary Budget Office

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Update:

Following  wide consultation and a meeting between several members of the house and Policy Forum i have decided to withdraw the bill. After improvement the bill will be presented by group of MPs together. Hon. Ndugulile will coordinate the group

Zitto Kabwe

 

OBJECTIVES/ REASONS FOR THIS BILL

The objective of this Bill is to enact a law establishing a Budget Office under Parliamentary Service; to provide for a budgetary procedure and oversight of the National Budget.

The Bill is divided into Five Parts as follows:-.

Part 1 contains  preliminary provisions which  include a short title, commencement date and interpretation clause.  Part II deals with provisions establishing the Budget Office and its functions.

Part III  contains provisions that set out the budgetary process; the  National Budget Plan, annual estimates and preparation of budget by public corporations. Part IV makes proposals for oversight  monthly publication of  revenues of the National Budget and  compliance report .

Part V provides for miscellaneous issues such as authority to obtain information and regulations.

MADHUMUNI NA SABABU

Muswada huu unakusudia kutunga Sheria itakayoanzisha Ofisi ya Bajeti itakayokuwa chini ya Ofisi ya Bunge, kuainisha mchakato wa kushughulikia Bajeti ya Serikali na usimamizi wake.

Muswada umegawanyika katika Sehemu Kuu Tano:-

Sehemu ya Kwanza inahusu mambo ya utangulizi ambayo ni jina la Sheria , tarehe ya Sheria kuanza kutumika na tafsiri ya maneno mbalimbali yaliyotumika katika Sheria hii. Sehemu ya Pili inaanzisha Ofisi ya Bajeti, Kamati ya Kudumu ya Bunge ya Mambo ya Bajeti pamoja na kuainisha majukumu yao.

Sehemu ya Tatu inahusu mchakato wa kutengeneza Bajeti, makisio ya mwaka na utaratibu wa taasisi za umma kuwasilisha Makisio ya Bajeti zao kwenye Wizara Mama.

Sehemu ya Nne inahusu utaratibu wa usimamizi wa fedha za Serikali na Sehemu ya Tano inahusu masuala ya jumla ambapo inatoa utaratibu wa kutoa taarifa na mamlaka ya kuandaa Kanuni chini ya Sheria hii.

Dar-es-Salaam

03 Juni, 2011

Zitto Zuberi Kabwe

Mbunge wa Kigoma Kaskazini

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Restructuring Tanzania Petroleum Development Corporation (TPDC)

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Mapendekezo ya Kamati ya POAC

Ilipendekezwa kuwa Shirika la maendeleo ya Petroli Tanzania (TPDC ) ligawanywe ili kupata Mashirika mawili ya Umma  moja likisimamia utoaji wa leseni na Udhibiti wa Uchimbaji (upstream regulator) (Tanzania Petroleum Authority or National Hydrocarbons Authority) na lingine kuwa Kampuni ya kibiashara ya Mafuta na Gesi (National Oil and Gas Company) ambapo kila sehemu ya Muungano itakuwa na  Kampuni yake na kuondoa malalamiko ya sasa juu ya Mafuta na Gesi. Pendekezo hili Serikali haijalitolea majibu wala utaratibu wa kulitekeleza ili kuboresha usimamizi wa sekta ya Gesi na Mafuta.

Vile vile Pendekezo hili litaweka msingi wa Sekta ya Mafuta na Gesi kusimamiwa na chombo cha muungano badala ya sasa ambapo kinasimamiwa na TPDC ambayo sio Shirika la Muungano. Pendekezo hili litekelezwe mara moja.- POAC Report 2010

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Interesting Articles from Africa Confidential :

Tanzania’s gas players

Songas consortium consists of PanAfrican Energy Limited, a subsidiary of Orca Exploration, CDC Globeleq and the state-owned Tanzania Petroleum Development Corporation (TPDC). Songas has operational rights over the Songo Songo-Dar es Salaam pipeline and well-established relationships with the government. Despite approaching new competition, it is keen to lock in the monopoly benefits it has enjoyed to date – hence its application for a 70% tariff increase for gas supplied to the Tanzania Electric Supply Company (Tanesco).

Maurel & Prom operates the Mnazi Bay field, hoping to supply a power plant at Mtwara and a newly announced fertiliser operation. With clear direction from the government, it could transform Mtwara and its own profits. No guidance is yet forthcoming. Both Maurel & Prom and Songas will face stiff competition if Britain’s Ophir Energy-BG Group and Petrobras develop their gas fields. The latter two have considerable acreage while the companies already in place have two discoveries. Both groups will be eyeing up the neighbouring exploration blocks on offer in the new round of bidding in April. The newcomers’ operations are likely to dwarf the existing ones. They see their main business opportunity in liquefied natural gas for export rather than for local markets.

A key figure will be David Jairo, Permanent Secretary at the Energy and Minerals Ministry, who is close to President Jakaya Kikwete having served as his Private Secretary. In the early 1990s, he was also in the Ministry of Water, Energy and Minerals, as it was then known, when Kikwete held the portfolio. He will be important in mediating among institutions, business and politicians. While Zitto Kabwe and January Makamba are putting energy at the top of their political agendas, more important in coming years will be whether Edward Lowassa wins 2015’s presidential election. If past performance is anything to go by, he could have an unfortunate impact on energy policy.

Gas finds offer hope of ending power-cuts
Powerful interests stood in the way of a sound energy policy emerging but everyone wants to turn on the gas
Despite obstacles from corrupt politicians, the exploitation of gas is likely to gather pace this year with new offshore discoveries. The opening on 12 April of the fourth offshore bidding round for 13 new blocks is likely to coincide with the commencement of drilling by Brazil’s Petrobras. Just one overworked pipeline runs the 200 kilometres from Songo Songo Island to Dar es Salaam. Last year’s gas discoveries by Ophir and British Gas in Tanzanian waters and this year’s by Anadarko in Mozambique, along with high fuel prices, will also help to generate interest in new export pipelines, liquefied natural gas (LNG) and much delayed gas-fired electricity generation.

However, Tanzania’s two existing gas deposits are not fully utilised. The oldest operation is the Songo Songo field, now operated by PanAfrican Energy Limited, a subsidiary of the Toronto-listed Orca Exploration Group. As part of the Songas consortium, it supplies gas to Dar es Salaam’s Ubungo power plant as well as to over 30 industrial facilities in the city.

Further south, the Mnazi Bay field near Mtwara town, now run by Maurel & Prom, is operating greatly below capacity since the collapse of plans to build a 300-megawatt power plant involving the gold mining companies Barrick and Artumas, the previous operators of Mnazi Bay. Three of the four Mnazi Bay wells are capped and the fourth is operating at just 10% of capacity. However, China is discussing financing that could revive plans for the plant at Mtwara, and Songas and Maurel & Prom hope to benefit from plans by the national electricity utility, Tanzania Electric Supply Company (Tanesco), for Dar es Salaam’s Kinyerezi plant to start generation in 2013.

Tanzania also has substantial coal reserves. Investors in gas fields cannot be certain that gas-generated power plants will necessarily be built and thus provide them with a market in the long run. Two feasibility studies will be carried out for a pipeline to Mombasa, one by Orca-owned EastCoast Transmission and Marketing, one by the East African Community. Ophir and BG are pinning their hopes on the development of LNG facilities.

The challenges are considerable. The power sector has been mismanaged for over 20 years. Power-rationing, first resorted to in the early nineties, is now a fact of daily life. The government first said it wanted to increase the use of natural gas in the 1990s but plans were thwarted by the corruption of key politicians and officials tied to Western companies exporting generating equipment that was not fuelled by gas. Also central has been the quick fix of hastily arranged power-purchases. Consequently, the power sector remains hamstrung and both the Dowans and IPTL generators are idle because of contractual disputes with Tanesco.

Many of those linked to the well-known cases of corruption in the power sector are still in or near to the corridors of power. Andrew Chenge was Attorney General when he approved the IPTL contract and he still sits on the Central Committee of the governing Chama cha Mapinduzi and in Parliament (AC Vol 51 No 4). Former Prime Minister Edward Lowassa, who resigned following revelations of his central role in the Richmond-Dowans affair, now chairs the Parliamentary Foreign Affairs, Defence and Security Committee and is believed to be preparing for a bid for the presidency in 2015.

One long-serving energy sector observer has also noted the tension between the Ministry of Energy and Minerals, Tanesco and the National Development Corporation. The NDC is responsible for state mining interests and is actively seeking investors in coal and wind power. NDC remains a key broker and has struck deals in China for the Mchuchuma coal mine as well as for wind in Singida Region. Yet another monolithic state institution in the power mix is unlikely to help to improve planning.

Regulation is also an issue. The Tanzania Petroleum Development Corporation has roles as both the regulator of upstream operations and as the state oil company and ultimate rights holder, which creates confusion and conflicts of interest. Legislation in the sector is outmoded, dating from 1980. A Natural Gas Bill has been in the works for some years but has been delayed by turf wars between fuel importers, TPDC, Parliament and Ministry officials. TPDC is looking to hive off an independent gas distribution entity and maintain its regulatory and operational roles. Industry interests want price control taken away from the Energy and Water Utilities Regulatory Authority. Moreover, there is pressure from Parliament to split TPDC and to have one upstream regulatory body and two state-owned oil companies, one each for Zanzibar and the mainland. The principal political backer for this is an opposition member of parliament, Zitto Kabwe, Chairman of the Parliamentary Public Investments Committee.

The lack of clarity in regulation, oversight and planning gives the advantage to companies already present and people with political connections. The Songas consortium and Orca’s PanAfrican Energy have considerable influence on pricing and infrastructure management. The senior management of these companies also has important personal and professional relationships with key players in government. Orca Deputy General Manager William Chiume is the son of the late Kanyama Chiume, an exiled Malawian politician resident in Tanzania and a confidant of former Presidents Julius Nyerere and Benjamin Mkapa. William Chiume also has President Kikwete’s ear.

Two politicians hope for political success through staking out development in the energy sector as their territory: Kabwe, of the opposition Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo, and CCM’s newly elected MP, January Makamba. Kabwe chairs the Public Investments Committee and is seeking restructuring of TPDC and the directing of public funds to the power sector.

Makamba is a son of CCM party Chairman Yussuf Makamba and a former aide to Kikwete. Articulate and energetic, he is building alliances with the private sector as well as oil and gas investors with a view to achieving quick gains – such as switching on the Dowans generators, which cannot be used because of court orders – and medium-term infrastructure development, such as investment in the Songas-operated Songo Songo-to-Dar pipeline.

Kabwe and non-governmental organisations have also taken considerable interest in mining. Yet populist measures on royalties and taxation, as well as the absence of any major new ventures in the sector since 2007, have seen this interest diminish. The recently released Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative report for Tanzania covered TPDC, Songas and Maurel & Prom among other mining companies but it is unlikely to lead to the broad popular and political interest that mining evinced since it has not yet been verified and its conclusions are not clear. Consumers can only hope that the new gas finds will lead to lower prices and more capacity – despite the obstacles.

Source: Africa Confidential

Youthful MPs start grappling with solutions By Ani Jozen-The Guardian IPP Media

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By ANI JOZEN

Job descriptions are changing in how parliamentary committees relate to the work of government ministries they are supposed to supervise, from oversight of accounts and criticism of responsible officials, or impeaching them, to a different outlook.

Now it seems that parliamentary committees are beginning to enter into the nitty gritty of issues and look for solutions, often in the direction sought by the government, but could do nothing about it due to criticism from MPs. It means that when the same initiative or a modified version comes from MPs, it will no longer face obstacles to taking it up.

This outlook is evident from the tonality of the new leadership of the House committees handling energy issues, especially from Bumbuli MP January Makamba, where the generation gap is more in evidence than perhaps of other MPs.

He took over the seat from veteran permanent secretary William Shelukindo, and was handed the same job of chairing the parliamentary committee on energy matters, and his tone is markedly different from the elder ex-parliamentarian. It means that the usual thrust of Parliament, which certain quarters had become used to seeing as ethics, was only just style.

A major problem that has confronted Parliament since it started its current life as the 10th Parliament of the United Republic and 11th since independence, is the crippling power shedding in place since November.

There is a clear shift from requiring the government to empower Tanesco to solve this and other problems, to seeking solutions within public-private partnerships, including crossing limits hitherto imposed by the sense of ethics – but in actual fact style – predominant in the past legislature and largely explaining the current woes. The reasons are multiple but generation gap has a clear role.

What is at issue seems to focus around a proper comprehension of first, what is ‘public-private partnership’ and tied to it, clarifying its relationship with the public sector – as to how far the latter bends to the dictates of the partnership, or decides everything as if the partner was an agent.

This has so far been the way things are conducted in the energy sector in particular, leading to a chasm of sentiments on how decisions are made, to affirm public sector hegemony in all decision making. This has consequently thrown policy making into confusion, and partnerships become mostly non-starters.

For instance it is on the basis of insistence by MP Makamba that the government is now preparing amendments to the law on public procurement so that there is greater flexibility in deciding what sort of machinery or equipment can be procured by the government. One contradictory feature is that public agencies like ATC/ATCL can ‘wet lease’ any plane they can find, but electricity generation can’t be solved by procuring a system that would be in use for two years. It would be totally unlawful.

In the previous legislature the idea of making changes on the current law provisions would have been more or less out of question, and owing to opposition from MPs, government management of the sector was rudderless. The government was on the receiving end of criticism in the legislature and civil society, apart from opposition, and fending it off was sufficiently preoccupying as a task, before thinking of revisiting the legislation itself, to give it room to do what precisely was being considered as wrong ethically and contrary to the law. In other words MPs saw the law as fully rational on the issue.

This is not patently the case anymore, as it is beginning to emerge within the precincts of the House committees that the parliamentary ideal – procurement as stipulated by the law – was too hemmed in for comfort. What is missing is the combative mood of the past legislature, that wishing to alter the legislation as it was merely to observe the biddings of vested interests, since their object of pursuit, that the government purchases a new generation system, as for all intents and purposes failed. When any of their adherents address the issue, for instance among opposition MPs, they query why it is so.

What is emerging can be called a ‘wet purchasing’ regime similar to ‘wet leasing’ elsewhere, despite that the two may have different connotations, and it means that a sort of puritanism of public sector demands is being eclipsed. Obviously there is another side to the matter as the 2004 Act may have been designed to stop negative instances of purchases of ramshackle equipment and there is no way the likely complications can be prefigured or otherwise avoided but placing a blanket law about what to purchase. It means the purchasing will be closely supervised, to it keep within the public interest.

When this hurdle is crossed within the legislature, examining what can also be done in relation to parastatal restructuring begins to take a new image, for instance in the case of another youthful MP, Zitto Zuberi Kabwe in charge of accounts of parastatal organizations.

The MP has been insisting on taking up a structure where TANESCO is relieved of generation capacity and only takes up generated power, transmits it to power stations and distributes it to consumers. It is unclear if this is a changed proposal agreed collectively, or it is personal opinion to restart the debate on unbundling of Tanesco.

While the whole idea of unbundling of Tanesco is likely to confront teething problems of a practical character, it marks a shift from a situation where such issues were only being discussed in offices of the ministry and much less in Tanesco itself. Parliament was by and large disposed only to criticism of government officials, imputing or otherwise in determination of wrongdoing, with a standard political penalty of resigning from a ministerial position. That way matters looked easy, as it was enough for a particular sentiment on governance to be breached for such imputation of responsibility to come up.

What is therefore emerging is that there is clear paralysis of government action on account of being closely watched by parliamentary committees and the wider House, and fractious disputes within the ruling party, rising up to Cabinet level. This means that the government has enough on its hands just trying to keep the peace both within its own ranks and in its dealings with Parliament and civil society that it can scarcely take initiative one way or another.

As a result, vast expectations of change arose in the past general elections and failed, and meanwhile much of the old guard in the House went out.

It is consequently undeniable that a shift in tone and even in comprehension of tasks of MPs and of government has taken place in Parliament, and as a result it is the House which is moving proposals in more than one area. Altering the law on procurement to make it flexible, instead of imposing singular choices of purchasing new systems as dictated by preferences of parastatal boards and radical MPs backed by a World Bank advised legislation is one example, since its only alternative is permanent load shedding. Without a shift of sentiments in the House, no such amendments would come about.

So there is a surprising situation in both parts of the Union, where in Zanzibar the political paralysis has been resolved by having the two contentious parties constituting a government of national unity, while the paralysis on the Mainland is being resolved differently.

It is being catered for by changing mentalities among MPs partly on account of the generation gap, where the likes of January Makamba or Zitto Kabwe don’t have parastatal interests at heart, or seeing Parliament as a disciplinary caucus to control executive ethics, but a problem resolving environment. It is likely to be a relief to the public.

Source: The Guardian

URL: http://bit.ly/dGtA4l

Written by zittokabwe

March 21, 2011 at 10:02 AM