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Galvanizing the Commonwealth in meeting Global Economic Challenges

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Presentation by Zitto Kabwe, MP United Republic of Tanzania at 60th Commonwealth Parliamentary Conference Yaoundé, Cameroon, 2th – 10th October, 2014

“Parliaments shall exercise oversight on policies for tackling illicit capital flight, address inequalities within and between our countries, cut poverty and spur sustainable global economic recovery“.

CEO The world has experienced tremendous growth over the past two decades fuelled by fast growth in the developing world especially emerging economies including Commonwealth members such as India. The global recession experienced in 2007 – 2009 has slowed this. Higher unemployment rates, sovereign debt crisis, and increasing inequalities are challenges faced the world over and of course across the commonwealth.

“The Commonwealth is an association of sovereign nations which support each other and work together towards international goals. With their common heritage in language, culture, law, education and democratic traditions, among other things, Commonwealth countries are able to work together in an atmosphere of greater trust and understanding than generally prevails among nations”

The Commonwealth charter reflects the greater ideals we share – but the very make-up of the Commonwealth, the diversity of member countries, varying in size, varying in wealth, prompts us to acknowledge the tensions that may arise as we seek solutions to emerging problems in an unequal world.

Our world economy with 7.2 billion people, is now valued at US$74 trillion. Our commonwealth represents a significant share of this with 1.3 billion people or one-fifth of the world population.

  • Two of its nations are among 10 largest economies – The United Kingdom and Union of India.
  • Four – United Kingdom, India, Canada and Australia, are among 20 largest economies in the world by 2013 (forming 10% of the global GDP) • Two largest economies in Africa, Nigeria and South Africa, are leading commonwealth members. The latter forms 60% of the combined Sub-Saharan African economies.

These statistics reveal one thing, that global challenges are commonwealth challenges therefore parliamentarians in the commonwealth have a role to play to ensure they are addressed.

That said, the dominant place in the world economy claimed by some of our fellow commonwealth members masks a worrying complexity – Some of the growth we witness is driven by capital flows that are illicit – the proceeds of corruption, tax evasion and criminal activity.

  • Let us remind ourselves of the estimates from Global Financial Integrity (GFI) which have shown that for the period 1970-2008, commercial tax evasion accounted for 60-65% of the illicit flows from developing countries, while criminal activity made up 30-35% and corruption accounted for 3%.
  • Together with the African Development Bank, GFI has also estimated that Africa lost between US$597 billion and US$1.4 trillion in net resource transfers over the period 1980-2009, exceeding by far the amount of resources Africa received in the same period, and thus making Africa a net creditor to the world.
  • The most recent study from GFI estimates that illicit financial flows cost developing countries as a group on average US$590 billion per year during the period 2002-2011.

In Tanzania PAC requested the Auditor General to conduct special audit on the sale transaction from a Malaysian Company Mechmar bhd to PiperLink Investment limited in British Virgin Island. This suspected fraudulent transaction is valued around US$250 million siphoned from the Central Bank of Tanzania. PAC is moreover conducting an inquiry on the extent of tax evasion and avoidance which is estimated to cost around 5% of Tanzanian GDP. Surely, many countries represented here can share their own similar accounts, fraudulent activity, which ultimately restricts funding for social services like education and health.

While drawing attention to global economic challenges, it is imperative, that issues of criminal activity, corruption, tax avoidance and evasion are not side-lined. The black economy deeply affects developing countries, many of them in the commonwealth. What is more, some of the beneficiaries of these activities are also to be found in our commonwealth.

These challenges are explicitly narrated by the World Economic Forum “By almost any measure, in a wide range of countries, domestic income inequality is rising even as the gap between average incomes in advanced and developing countries declines. The upper end of the income distribution is developing a fatter and fatter tail, while the median income remains stuck in low-growth mode. Post crisis, the lower tail of the income distribution is also fattening as poverty increases. This pattern has emerged in the past 30 years.

It undermines social cohesion, political stability and causes declining support for an open global economic and financial system.

Compounding the distributional challenge is persistently high unemployment in the post-crisis period. Growth is nowhere near high enough to bring down these numbers fast enough. And in advanced countries, growth in the tradable sector of the economy has contributed relatively little to net employment growth in the past two decades”.

In our roles as Commonwealth Member States, in our roles as MPs, how do we begin to meet the challenges?

The relevance of the commonwealth will be measured among other things by its ability to address the challenge of global poverty and income inequality. With both advanced economies and the developing world within one association, there is an opportunity for solution. The secretariat has been given a role to play “providing analysis and interpretation of the global economy for the benefit of the Commonwealth countries, putting across the case for the membership need in international settings, and supporting members in achieving their domestic and international economic objectives”.

So what can public representatives of member states do to underpin this? Members of legislatures of the Commonwealth have to provide oversight and ensure that support given by the secretariat helps their countries to face economic challenges in the most effective and impactful way. Oversight over government expenditures, government revenues, public debt management, accountability and specific economic policies are so central to the role of parliamentarians in galvanizing the commonwealth to face global economic challenges.

My country serves another example of how wealth is siphoned from poor countries. In the Mining sector alone, Tanzania was collecting a mere 4% of the total minerals exported. This has been addressed through effective oversight exercised by Tanzanian Parliament. In 2010 the new Mining act was enacted in order to curb the abuses. Recently, Zambia has been in the media with regards to one multinational corporation misinvoicing its copper exports causing Zambia loose hundreds of millions of dollars in taxes.

As we challenge within our own countries, we must also be prepared to challenge each other within the Commonwealth. Wealth that is illicitly diverted from my country Tanzania and from other poorer members of our Commonwealth does not disappear into thin air. Illicit capital flight is facilitated by institutions laws and firms based in entities that if not full members of the commonwealth, are tied to it through their dependency on the United Kingdom – British Overseas Territories such as The British Virgin Islands or Bermuda, and places closer to London such as Jersey. The structural reforms necessary require active parliamentarians across our member countries. Without tackling the blight of illicit capital flight, we cannot begin to address the inequalities within and between our countries – instabilities that are destabilizing and will act as a block on any sustainable global economic recovery.


The world is yet to do away with the scourge of infant mortality, income inequality and poverty. Poverty is basically a lack of entitlement to the basic needs of human sustenance. The challenges before the global economy are indeed tough. Timely intervention in the form of appropriate policies and fiscal help from the world bodies are needed to tide over the crisis. No less important is the political will needed for the seamless implementation of the policies.

The imperative now is to generate the growth necessary to create the millions of jobs needed to reduce unemployment and absorb new entrants into the labour force.

The reform process that I speak of will require political courage. This reform is however key to bringing about the most benefits to the population as a whole in our member states. This reform is key to a continued building of inclusive countries that can be a proud example to the international community.

Zitto Kabwe: Bado Sijamuona mtu mwenye sifa za urais (Rai /Alhamisi Oktoba 2-8, 2014)

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October 2, 2014 at 12:44 PM

Gesi si mwarobaini wa umasikini, kazi shambani

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Gesi si mwarobaini wa umasikini, kazi shambani
Zitto Kabwe
Toleo la 367  20 Aug 2014
Rais Kikwete na Waziri Muhongo
TANZANIA kama ilivyo kwa Bara la Afrika ni miongoni mwa nchi zenye uchumi unaokua kwa kasi. Inakadiriwa kwamba kati ya mwaka 2012 mpaka 2017 katika nchi kumi zenye uchumi unaokua kwa kasi zaidi, sita zitakuwa zinatoka Bara la Afrika. Tanzania ni moja ya nchi hizo, nyingine ni Rwanda, Angola, Chad, Ethiopia na Equatorial Guinea.

Angola, Equatorial Guinea na Chad kasi yao ya kukuza uchumi inasukumwa na utajiri mkubwa wa mafuta na gesi. Hata hivyo, nchi hizi zipo chini katika viwango vya kidemokrasia na utajiri wa maliasili zao umekuwa ukinufaisha watu wachache. Kwa mfano, huko Angola na Equatorial Guinea, ni familia za marais wao (waliokaa madarakani kwa zaidi ya miongo mitatu) na familia za karibu na watawala ndizo zinanufaika na uchumi wa nchi zao.

Hali ya ufukara wa wananchi katika nchi hizo hauwiani na mapato makubwa ambayo serikali zao zimekuwa zikipata kutoka katika mafuta na gesi asilia.

Nchini Rwanda, sekta ya huduma ndio inayoendesha uchumi ingawa mwaka jana wameweza kuvuka lengo la asilimia tano ya kasi ya kukua kwa sekta ya kilimo. Rwanda nao, licha ya mafanikio makubwa katika kutokomeza umasikini (theluthi ya wananchi wameondoka kwenye dimbwi la umasikini ndani ya miaka kumi, 2000 – 2010), bado kuna malalamiko makubwa ya utawala wa kiimla nchini humo.

Kwamba hakuna uhuru wa habari na Serikali ya Rais Paul Kagame inakandamiza sauti za upinzani. Je, mtawala wa imla mwenye kuleta ahueni kwa wananchi ni afadhali kuliko mtawala wa kidemokrasia mwenye kukuza umasikini? Hili ni swali ambalo wanazuoni wana majibu yanayotofautiana kwa kila hali.

Sekta ya Kilimo ikikua kwa kasi ya asilimia tano na kuendelea kwa miaka mitano mfululizo, inaweza kupunguza umasikini kwa zaidi ya asilimia 30 katika kipindi hicho. Ethiopia, kasi yake ya ukuaji wa uchumi inachochewa na sekta ya kilimo pamoja na sekta ya viwanda. Iwapo Ethiopia itaendelea na kasi ya ukuaji wa uchumi wa zaidi ya asilimia saba kwa mwaka, unaosukumwa na kilimo na viwanda, basi baada ya miaka 10 nchi hiyo itakuwa ‘power house’ ya Bara la Afrika.

Kama Rwanda, Ethiopia pia imeweza kutokomeza umasikini kwa kasi katika kipindi cha muongo mmoja uliopita, vile vile, kama Rwanda, uongozi wa Waziri Mkuu Meles Zenawi (sasa marehemu) umekuwa ukilalamikiwa kwa utawala wa kiimla licha ya mafanikio makubwa katika maendeleo ya kilimo na viwanda.

Tanzania haijaanza uzalishaji wa kiwango kikubwa wa rasilimali ya gesi na mafuta (ukiacha uzalishaji kidogo katika visima vya Songosongo), lakini sekta zinazoendesha ukuaji wa uchumi wake ni madini, mawasiliano na utalii. Kiwango cha umasikini nchini kimeshuka kutoka asilimia 37 mwaka 2003 mpaka asilimia 28 mwaka 2013. Kasi ya kutokomeza umasikini bado ni ndogo ukilinganisha na mataifa haya niliyoyataja hapo juu.

Midomoni mwa watawala wa Tanzania ni kwamba gesi asilia ndio mkombozi kwa sasa. Ngonjera hizo hizo zilikuwa zikiimbwa pale Tanzania ilipoingia kwenye uzalishaji mkubwa wa dhahabu. Wakati huo, Waziri wa sasa wa Nishati na Madini ndiye aliyekuwa Mwenyekiti wa Shirika la STAMICO ambalo liliachia migodi yake yote na kuwapa wawekezaji kutoka nje kwa nyimbo kwamba dhahabu itaondoa umasikini wetu. Miaka 17 sasa, ufukara wa wananchi upo pale pale na santuri imegeuzwa na sasa inaimba gesi asilia na Watanzania, wasomi na wasio wasomi wanacheza na kupiga makofi.

Nilimsikia Waziri wa Nishati na Madini akiwaeleza viongozi wa dini nchini mwanzoni mwa mwaka huu, mbele ya Rais Jakaya Kikwete kwamba; “tumelima wee, bado tu masikini. Tumefanya biashara, bado tu masikini. Sasa gesi imekuja, ndio mwarobaini wa umasikini”.

Nilitaraji Rais aliposimama kuzungumza angeweza kuweka maelezo sawia, lakini nadhani alishindwa kumsahihisha waziri wake mbele ya hadhara ile. Lakini pia inawezekana ndio msimamo wa serikali kuwapa matumaini wananchi kwamba ‘umasikini sasa basi’.

Gesi asilia hata igunduliwe kila kona ya nchi haitaweza kuondoa ufukara wa wananchi. Ingekuwa ni hivyo leo Nigeria ingekuwa taifa lenye watu wenye maendeleo kuliko mataifa mengi duniani. Lakini Nigeria bado, licha ya kuwa na uchumi mkubwa zaidi Afrika, ina watu mafukara wa kutupwa.

Pato la mwananchi wa Nigeria ni chini ya dola za Marekani 1,500 kwa mwaka, yaani ni nusu tu ya nchi kama Mauritius isiyo na chembe ya mafuta. Mifano ya Angola, Equatorial Guinea na Gabon inatosha kabisa kuwakumbusha watawala wetu kwamba mafuta au gesi asilia ni mwarobaini wa umasikini.

Nchi zote hizi hazijafanikiwa kwa sababu ya ufisadi mkubwa unaotokana na usiri katika mikataba ya madini, mafuta na gesi asilia. Hapa Tanzania mikataba yote hiyo bado ni siri na matokeo yake ni upotevu mkubwa wa fedha tunaotarajia kushuhudia kutokana na mikataba mibovu.

Tayari mkataba uliovuja wa kampuni ya StatOil umeonyesha kuwa Tanzania itapoteza shilingi trilioni moja na bilioni 600 kila mwaka kwa miaka 15, katika kitalu kimoja tu (block 2). Hatujui mikataba mingine 26 hali ikoje maana yenyewe haijavuja.

Mwarobaini wa umasikini ni kazi

Tanzania imejaribu kila aina ya mipango ya maendeleo. Miaka takribani 25 ya mwanzo wa Uhuru wetu tumeitumia kujenga taifa la kijamaa.

Katika mapumziko yangu ya mwisho wa wiki, wiki hii iliyokwisha nilikuwa nasoma uchambuzi kuhusu utekelezaji wa vijiji vya ujamaa. Katika kitabu kimoja cha Andrew Coulson (Political Economy of Tanzania) ameainisha namna Dola ilivyoamua kusukuma yenyewe maendeleo.

Mmoja wa vijana wa wakati huo, Juma Mwapachu (sasa balozi mstaafu) alinukuliwa akiandika; “Nchi haiwezi kuacha raia wake wakiishi maisha ya kifo – life of death. Jioni ya Jumamosi nilikutana na Balozi Mwapachu nikamuuliza, unaweza kuandika tena vile? Akasema kwa ujasiri kabisa, “ndio mwanangu.”

Dola ilidhamiria kweli kweli. Dola iliamini kwa dhati kabisa kwamba inalo jukumu la kuchochea maendeleo. Utekelezaji wa ujamaa uliendana na makosa mengi ya uharibifu wa mali na hata ukiukwaji wa haki za binadamu. Lakini dhamira ilikuwa kazi– kuongeza tija kwenye uzalishaji mali, viwandani na mashambani.

Miaka 25 iliyofuatia Tanzania ikahamia kutekeleza sera za soko huria na kuitoa dola kwenye kusukuma maendeleo ya watu wake. Bahati mbaya, soko huria likawa soko holela kutokana na kukosekana mipango ya kidola ya kusawazisha makosa ya soko.

Nimebahatika kushiriki katika baraza kubwa zaidi nchini, Bunge, tena nikiwa Mwenyekiti wa Kamati inayotazama matumizi yetu (postmorterm) kwa miaka yote isipokuwa miwili ya mwanzo. Nimebahatika kuwa kiongozi mwandamizi katika chama kimojawapo kikuu cha siasa nchini.

Nafasi zote hizo nimezishika nikiwa kijana mdogo. Sijaona ushahidi wowote kwamba taifa lilijiandaa kutoka mfumo wa uchumi wa kijamaa kwenda uchumi wa soko huria. Ndani ya Bunge na ndani ya vikao vya vyama vya siasa hakuna mijadala inayohusu maendeleo ya watu, zaidi ya namna gani ya kuendelea kushika dola au namna gani ya kupata dola.

Ndio maana tunashuhudia kwenye mikutano ya vyama na hasa nyakati za uchaguzi wanasiasa wakihubiri mrengo mmoja wa maendeleo (soko huria) na kushindanisha orodha ya miradi badala ya kushindanisha maono (visions) na itikadi za kimaendeleo.

Ninapojisomea zaidi naona kama tulikurupuka, tukaachana na ujamaa na mazuri yake na mabaya yake na kukumbatia ubepari bila kuchukua hadhari kuhusu mabaya yake. Wale wale waliokuwa wanahubiri ujamaa ndio wakaanza kuhubiri uzuri wa soko huria.

Ngonjera zilezile, matokeo yake ni umasikini kuongezeka maradufu, tofauti ya walio nacho na wasionacho kuendelea kupanuka. Tulipotupilia mbali dhana ya uzalishaji mali mashambani na viwandani, tukakumbatia uchuuzi. Sasa tumekuwa taifa la wachuuzi. Uchuuzi hauzalishi kazi nyingi na pasipo na kazi ufukara hushamiri.

Mipango ipi inafaa kutuondoa katika dimbwi la ufukara? Kamwe tusidhani utajiri wa gesi asilia utatutoa. Utajiri huu utaongeza pengo la wenye nacho na wasio nacho kwa sababu mipango ya sasa ya uchumi imewekwa kwenye nguzo ya mwenye nguvu ndiye anafaidika.

Nguvu inatokana na taarifa (information is power) na taarifa kwa nchi kama yetu zinazaa vipato nyemelezi (rent seeking) ambazo zinanufaisha wachache. Ndivyo imetokea kwenye sekta ya madini na mawasiliano, ambapo wenye taarifa ndio wamefaidika na wananchi wengi na hasa vijana wamebakia wapagazi wa wenye taarifa (rent seekers).

Hawa kina Mwapachu, vijana wa zamani, walikuwa wanaimbishwa kuwa kazi ni kipimo cha utu. Mipango ya kutuondoa kwenye ufukara ni mipango ambayo imejikita kwenye nguzo zinazozalisha kazi na maarifa ya kufanya kazi.

Kwa sasa kazi ambazo zitanufaisha Watanzania wengi ni kazi za kilimo. Kilimo sio kazi ya shambani tu, ni pamoja na mnyororo wake wa thamani (value chain). Sera ya ujamaa ilijenga viwanda vya kuongeza thamani mazao ya kilimo. Kulikuwa kuna kiwanda cha nguo katika kila kanda ya Tanzania na kiwanda kikubwa cha nyuzi Tabora bila kutaja ginneries (vinu vya uchambuaji) zilizozagaa vijijini.

Sera ya ujamaa ilijenga viwanda vya kubangua korosho 12 katika wilaya zote zinazozalisha zao hilo. Sera yetu mpya ya nusu ya pili ya miaka ya Uhuru imefanya nini? ‘deindustrialisation’ kwa jina la ubinafsishaji.

Nilikwenda kukagua viwanda vya korosho mwaka 2012, kama Mwenyekiti wa Kamati ya Posmortem (PAC), nilikuta viwanda vyote vimegeuzwa kuwa maghala ya kuhifadhi korosho. Nilikwenda mji mdogo wa Choma huko Igunga- mkoani Tabora, nilikuta iliyokuwa ginnery (kiwanda cha kuchambua pamba) kimetelekezwa na mwekezaji.

Korosho yetu yote tunayouza nje hivi sasa ni korosho ghafi, tunahamishia ajira India tunapouza korosho yetu nyingi. Tunauza marobota ya pamba na kuagiza mashati na suruali tunazovaa na kujidai mitaani. Hakika hakuna umazwazwa (ujuha) zaidi ya huu. Hebu tujadili, ujamaa ulikosea wapi? Mbona sera hizi mpya ndizo zinatutia ufukara zaidi?

Nilisoma nikiwa darasa la nne, ‘kama unataka mali, utayapata shambani’. Ujamaa ulitaka kazi. Waliotekeleza Azimio la Arusha hawakutaka kazi, fursa ilipofika wakatupilia mbali Azimio. Lakini bado nchi ipo pale pale au imekuwa mbaya zaidi. Turudi kwenye misingi. Hakuna namna! Tuutafakari kwa kina na kwa kukosoa ujamaa. Tutafakari kwa kina na kukosoa sera za sasa. Kisha tuunde kitu kipya. Miaka 50 inatosha kutakafakari majaribio yetu.

- See more at: http://www.raiamwema.co.tz/gesi-si-mwarobaini-wa-umasikini-kazi-shambani#sthash.X1qbO5iU.Mw88XujN.dpuf

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August 22, 2014 at 1:25 PM

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Corruption stinks, We must end it now

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Corruption stinks, We must end it now

 Also reported by The Citizen Newspaper

Zitto Kabwe talking at the CEOs Round Table Dinner.

We must end it now

Remarks by Zitto Kabwe, MP at the launch of nationwide survey on people’s perceptions of corruption in Tanzania by Sauti za Wananchi, TWAWEZA on the 5th August, 2014 Dar es Salaam.

In 1999 when I was a first year student at the university and a student activist, the student body invited Judge Joseph Warioba to speak about corruption. At the Council Chamber he narrated a story about a woman whose child was sick at Mbeya Referral hospital and died because she did not have tshs 500 bribe to give to a nurse in order for the nurse to admit a drip on the child. I always remember this story and results of this survey confirm it. This survey shows that 7 out of 10 individuals consider a patient giving money or other materials to a public health facility doctor for the help they gave to them as corruption. Our people are confronted with this reality in their daily lives. We must fight everyday corruption as much as grand corruption. It is the poorest that pays the highest price of corruption. As endemic as corruption in Tanzania is, we need new approach to combat it, Thomas Sankara once said “You cannot carry out fundamental change without a certain amount of madness”.

Everyday corruption isn’t reported in our media outlets as much as mega scams, but it is real and so pervasive in our society. Daily life in Tanzania is governed by the ‘petty’ corruption of public officials in services such as health, education, agriculture and judicial system. It takes various forms including commission for illicit service, string-pulling, favours, nepotism, rent seeking and misappropriation.

The survey once again confirms the pervasive nature of corruption in Tanzania and the hopelessness the population has on cutting down corruption. It is argued that corruption in Africa generally and in Tanzania in particular is qualitatively different from corruption in other parts of the world in its pervasiveness, its legitimations and its significant impact on the nature of the state.[1] Formal definitions of corruption range from decay of society to single act of bribery. It involves the acquisition of money, assets or power in a way which escapes public view.[2]

The survey we are presented with today shows all signs of a rotten society with sustained bad habit of putting things under the carpets. 8 out of 10 people believe corruption has increased over the last decade and majority believe that we can not end corruption. What is shocking is the fact that 7 out of 10 people believe that even if we change the governing party corruption wont be fought. With the revelations of the audited report of the accounts of political parties coming soon, the people are stating the obvious. There is a moral decay. It stinks.

Public Accounts Committee’s (PAC) duty is to hold public officials accountable. Through reports of the Comptroller and Auditor General, PAC and previously POAC has produced reports and reports about mismanagement of public funds. We were very successful in 2012 whereby through a threat to impeach the Prime minister, the President sacked 6 senior ministers and 2 deputies. 1 prosecution has been done (TBS) but the hunter became hunted. POAC was disbanded, annual reports by committees pushed to November sessions of parliament (so during election year in 2015 the PAC report won’t be submitted in April!) and Public Audit Act of 2008 amended to reduce the powers of oversight committees vis a vis auditor general reports. Obviously these are steps backward. It is comparable to the famous Tehelka scandal in India where journalists showed a secret video footage of senior politicians accepting bribes. Journalists became victims instead of the corrupt.[3] But these negative actions against anti corruption campaigners shall not deter us from fighting graft in Tanzania.

I am not shocked at all with the revelations that many Tanzanians know little about scams like IPTL (8 out of 10 Tanzanians had not heard of the scandal). I knew about withdrawal of Tegeta escrow money for the first time through The Citizen newspaper and immediately I acted upon and summoned central bank governor before PAC (http://zittokabwe.wordpress.com/2014/03/04/mapya-iptl-270million-zimetokaje-bot/). We issued statements on every single step we were taking including a directive to CAG and PCCB to carry a special audit. PAC directed special audit on Tegeta Escrow Account on the 20th March, 2014. Media houses with exception of Mwananchi, The Citizen and Mtanzania were not covering the scam at all regardless of number of statements we issued. May be they did not understand it. The day ndugu David Kafulila spoke about it in parliament, handful of papers reported and majority ignored the story but carried a clarification about it. (https://www.facebook.com/zittokabwe/posts/746280225392677). I posted on my Facebook wall ‘wahariri na miwani za mbao’. Now coverage about the scam has increased with the newest revelations from RaiaMwema weekly and daily TanzaniaDaima that the scam involve a tax fraud and a fraudulent transfer of ownership involving tax havens. Therefore, there is a significant need for media coverage in order for the public to hear about these scams. In addition, it is about how the scam is communicated for the people to understand.- therefore, I believe there is a need for adequate and rational media coverage of these scams so that people can be informed about them.

In Tanzania, we have metamorphosed into a situation whereby somebody is corrupt if he or she is your political enemy. And sometimes politics drive media coverage in order to confuse the public. Today IPTL scam is one of the most misunderstood because politicians, bureaucrats and some media have collaborated for it to be so. However when PAC submits its report to the house based on the findings from special audit, the country will be stunned to see how public officials participated in sanctioning a fraudulent transaction in the name of national interest. Will PCCB go ahead with prosecutions? Yes and No.

I have full trust in the ability and capacity of PCCB. But the system is set in such a way that the latter has no powers to bite. A number of cases are with Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP). As a nation we must decide now to grant PCCB the power to prosecute. I strongly advocate the establishment of Serious Fraud Office within PCCB that will have legislative powers to investigate and prosecute all major scams done by public officials. Granting PCCB powers to prosecute may be included in the draft constitution through establishment of the Public Integrity Office.

Civil Society Organisations may as well engage in addressing everyday corruption through surveys and providing an opportunity for the people to report incidences of corruption. What about ranking regions based on corruption persecution index? Or even district authorities?

PAC is going to introduce a bill in parliament to amend proceeds of crime act so that an individual with assets not commensurate with his or her income levels has a burden of proof on the legality of the assets. Councils’ officials, central government bureaucrats and politicians with wealth not in line with their incomes must be subjected to prove origin of their wealth in court. This will help the war against corruption.

I strongly propose that pressure to enact a freedom of information act be increased. This was promised by President Kikwete under OGP and the deadline set has already passed. Powered with information, the citizens can be mobilized to end public corruption.

We have to ACT now.

[1] From Everyday Corruption and the State by Blundo G, et al.

[2] Global Corruption by Cockcroft L.

[3] Curbing Corruption in Asian Countries: An Impossible Dream? By Quah J.S

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August 6, 2014 at 12:29 PM


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Jana tarehe 29 Julai, 2014 nimefanya mahojiano katika kipindi cha PowerBreakFast kinachorushwa na Clouds FM. Baadhi ya vyombo vya habari vimeandika mahojiano yale. Napenda nitoe ufafanuzi kidogo kuhusu msimamo wangu kuhusu mchakato wa Katiba.

Kwanza, Mimi sijawahi kuwa UKAWA wala kundi lolote lile katika Bunge Maalumu la Katiba isipokuwa kundi linalotaka maridhiano. Msimamo wangu kuhusu Muungano ni Serikali Tatu Zilizoboreshwa (S3z) ili kuwa na Muungano imara usio tegemezi wala egemezi kwa Washirika wake.

Pili, Mimi niliunga mkono ‘protest’ ya baadhi ya Wajumbe wa Bunge Maalumu la Katiba kupinga lugha za matusi na lugha za kibaguzi zilizokuwa zinaendelea ndani ya mkutano ule. Vilevile niliunga mkono kwamba Rasimu inayopaswa kujadiliwa ni Rasimu iliyotokana na Tume ya Marekebisho ya Katiba iliyoongozwa na Jaji Joseph Sinde Warioba. Nasisitiza umuhimu wa kupata Katiba BORA itakayoimarisha DOLA ya Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania.

Tatu, kwa hali ya sasa kuna mkwamo katika kupatikana kwa Katiba Bora. Mkwamo unaotokana na kutokuwepo kwa nia ya dhati ya kupata maridhiano ya pande zinazopingana. UKAWA hawataki mazungumzo na Viongozi wa Bunge la Katiba badala ya kujenga maridhiano kila siku wanawabeza UKAWA jambo ambalo kamwe haliwezi kujenga mwafaka. Ushauri wangu ni kuahirisha mchakato mzima wa kuandika Katiba mpaka mwaka 2016 baada ya Uchaguzi Mkuu wa mwaka 2015. Katiba ya sasa ifanyiwe marekebisho machache kama ifuatavyo;

i) Tume ya Uchaguzi ili iwe huru na ionekane kuwa huru, ikiwemo kuwaondoa watumishi wa Halmashauri za Wilaya, Miji na Majiji katika kusimamia uchaguzi

ii) Kuruhusu mgombea binafsi

iii) Kuondoa Mafuta na Gesi kama Jambo la Muungano ili Zanzibar ianze mara moja kusimamia kwa uhuru utafutaji wa Mafuta katika vitalu vilivyopo upande huo wa Muungano

Mkutano wa Bunge Maalumu utakaofanyika bila kuwepo kwa maridhiano utakuwa hauna maana yeyote na itakuwa ni sawa na kupoteza muda na fedha za walipa kodi ambazo zingeweza kununua madawa vijijini. Mimi binafsi sitahudhuria mkutano wa Bunge Maalumu kama makundi hasimu hayatakuwa yamefikia maridhiano.

Kabwe Zitto, MB/MBMK

Written by zittokabwe

July 30, 2014 at 2:07 PM


with 2 comments


Mheshimiwa Spika, Kwanza kabisa napenda kumshukuru Mwenyezi Mungu kwa kunipa nguvu za kuweza kuandika mchango wangu huu mdogo kwenye mjadala wa Bajeti ya Serikali mwaka 2014/15. Kama wengi mnavyofahamu mnamo tarehe 1 Juni mwaka 2014 nilimpoteza mama yangu mzazi na kumsitiri siku iliyofuata tarehe 2 Juni, 2014. Huu ni msiba mkubwa sana kwangu na ndugu zangu wote kwani mama yetu Bi. Shida Salum alikuwa nguzo katika familia. Nafahamu kuwa jamaa na marafiki wa mama pia wamepoteza mtu wao muhimu sana. Napenda kuwashukuru nyote kabisa kwa salamu zenu za pole kwetu. Sina namna ya kuelezea shukrani zangu kwenu kwani Bi Shida kwangu alikuwa zaidi ya mama mzazi, alikuwa rafiki, dada na nguzo. Ninamshukuru Allah kwa kuniwezesha kumwuguza na kumsitiri mama yangu. Hakuna amali kubwa ambayo Mungu amenipa zaidi ya hiyo. Nawashukuru tena nyote kabisa wabunge wenzangu kwa kushirikiana nami kwa namna zozote zile kumwuguza na kumsitiri mama yangu. Mungu atawalipa malipo yanayowastahili kwa amali na vitendo vyenu. Sisi kama familia tutaendelea kumwombea dua mama yetu na kumtolea sadaka ili ahifadhiwe mahala pema.

Mheshimiwa Spika, ningependa niwe nanyi katika mjadala huu muhimu wa kila mwaka wa Taifa letu. Hata hivyo bado Mungu hajaniwezesha nguvu za kusimama na kuzungumza. Pindi nitakapowezeshwa nguvu hizo nitakuwa nanyi kwa kipindi hicho nitakachojaaliwa ili kushiriki katika kazi za kuendeleza Taifa letu.

Mheshimiwa Spika, nachukua fursa hii kumpongeza Waziri wa Fedha ndugu Saada Salum kwa kuwasilisha Bajeti yake ya kwanza kabisa kama Waziri wa Fedha wa pili Mwanamke wa nchi yetu. Nampongeza kwa kuchukua hatua kadhaa za kuboresha usimamizi wa fedha za umma na hasa matamko aliyotangaza ya kupambana na misamaha ya kodi ambayo imeongezeka mpaka kufikia asiliamia 3.5 ya Pato la Taifa na asilimia 10 ya Bajeti ya Serikali.  Misamaha ya Kodi mwaka 2012/13 ilifikia tshs 1.5 trilioni ambayo ni sawa na asilimia 15 ya makusanyo yote ya ndani na ni sawa na takribani fedha zote za kodi ambazo Serikali ilikusanya kama kodi ya mishahara ya Wafanyakazi (PAYE). Hata hivyo, matamko ya Serikali yana mapungufu makubwa sana na ni matamko yale yale yanayorudiwa kila mwaka bila utekelezaji. Kuweka wazi misamaha ya kodi na watu au asasi zilizofaidika na misamaha hiyo ni hatua nzuri lakini haitoshi kama hatua hiyo haitaendana na kufanya ukaguzi wa misamaha hiyo. Kamati ya Bunge ya PAC ilitoa agizo mwaka 2013 la kutaka Mdhibiti na Mkaguzi Mkuu wa Hesabu za Serikali kukagua misamaha ya kodi kama matumizi mengine yeyote ya Serikali. Ieleweke kwamba misamaha ya kodi ni ruzuku (subsidy), ni fedha ya Serikali ambayo iwapo ingekusanywa ingekaguliwa kwa mujibu wa sheria. Matamko ya Serikali ya kuweka wazi misamaha lazima yaendane na kuifanyia ukaguzi (auditing) na kuweka wazi matokeo ya ukaguzi huo. Vilevile ni lazima sasa katika Sheria ya Fedha ya mwaka 2014/15 kuweka kipengele cha kuzuia misamaha ya kodi kuzidi asilimia moja ya Pato la Taifa na kurekebisha Sheria ya Ukaguzi ya umma wa mwaka 2008 ili kumpa mamlaka ya kisheria CAG kukagua misamaha ya kodi na kuweka wazi matokeo ya ukaguzi huo kwa umma.

Kodi kwa Wafanyakazi

Mheshimiwa Spika, Waziri wa Fedha ametangaza nafuu ya kodi kwa wafanyakazi wa kima cha chini kutoka kiwango cha 13% mpaka 12%. Kiwango hiki ni kidogo mno na hakimsaidia mfanyakazi kubakia na fedha kwa ajili ya matumizi yake na pia kwa ajili ya kujiwekea akiba. Ni dhahiri kuwa PAYE ni chanzo kikubwa sana cha mapato ya ndani ya Serikali. Kwa mfano mwaka 2013/14 Serikali ilitarajiwa kukusanya tshs 1.5 trilioni kama PAYE ambapo tshs 1 trilioni kutoka idara ya walipa kodi wakubwa na tshs 500 bilioni kutoka idara ya kodi za ndani. Hata hivyo, utaona kuwa mapato haya ni sawa sawa na kodi inayosamehewa kupitia misamaha ya kodi hivyo iwapo misamaha ya kodi ikipunguzwa mpaka kiasi cha asilimia 1 ya Pato la Taifa, Serikali itakusanya kodi ya kutosha kuzipa pengo la punguzo la kodi kwa wafanya kazi. Vile vile Serikali inapoteza kodi nyingi sana kupitia ukwepaji kodi unaofanywa na makampuni makubwa ya kimataifa yanayowekeza hapa nchini (tax evasion and tax avoidance) kwa kiwango cha asilimia 5 ya Pato la Taifa. Iwapo Serikali itajiunga na mikataba ya kimataifa ya kupambana na ukwepaji kodi na pia kuimarisha kitengo cha kodi za Kimataifa ili kupambana na Multinational Corporations ambao wanatumia njia mbalimbali kuhamisha faida zao nje, kutangaza hasara hapa nchini na kukwepa kodi za thamani ya zaidi ya shilingi trilioni mbili kila mwaka kwa mujibu wa takwimu za Global Financial Integrity. Napendekeza kuwa kiwango cha chini cha kipato (mshahara) kukatwa kodi kiwe shilingi 330,000 na kiwango cha chini cha kodi kiwe asilimia 9 tu.

Mheshimiwa Spika, Kiwango hiki cha kodi pia kinawezekana kwa Serikali kuchukua hatua dhidi ya matumizi mabovu ya Serikali. Kwa mfano, kwa mujibu wa Taarifa ya  Mkaguzi Mkuu wa ndani wa Serikali mwaka 2013, mfumo wa kukagua utumishi wa umma umegundua kuwa jumla ya wafanya kazi wa Serikali 6500 walikuwa wameajiriwa mara mbili kwa majina yale yale, 2700 mara tatu na kulikuwa na watumishi 2500 waliokuwa wanachukua mishahara miwli mpaka mitatu kila mwezi. Baada ya mfumo wa Lawson kuanzishwa jumla ya wafanyakazi  hewa 14,000 waligundulika katika jumla ya wafanyakazi 478,000 wa Serikali. Hatua ya kuondoa matumizi mabovu kutokana na kulipa mishahara hewa pia inaweza kusaidia kupunguza mzigo wa kodi kwa wafanyakazi nchini. Serikali hutumia wastani wa shilingi bilioni 360 kila mwezi kulipa mishahara ambapo katika hizo shilingi bilioni Kumi kila mwezi zimekuwa zikilipwa kwa watumishi hewa. Nafuu ya kodi kwa wafanyakazi nchini katika sekta zote na hasa wafanyakazi wa kima cha chini kitachochea matumizi binafsi ya bidhaa na huduma na hivyo kuchangamsha uchumi na kuwezesha uwekaji wa akiba nchini. Nashauri ukaguzi zaidi ufanyike katika utumishi wa umma ili kumaliza kabisa tatizo la wafanyakazi hewa nchini.

Mheshimiwa Spika ninapongeza kuanzishwa kwa kodi ya zuio kwa ada kwa Wakurugenzi wa makampuni na Mashirika. Kodi hii itaongeza mapato ya Serikali. Hata hivyo kodi kama hii pia itozwe kwenye posho ambazo viongozi wa kisiasa na watumishi wa Serikali wanalipwa isipokuwa posho ya kujikimu (per diem). Vile vile uamuzi wa kuagiza Wizara, Idara na Wakala za Serikali kukusanya maduhuli kwa kutumia mashine za kielektroniki ni uamuzi muhimu sana ambao utaongeza ufanisi katika ukusanyaji wa mapato yasiyo ya kodi. Kamati ya PAC iliagiza jambo hili tangu mwaka 2013 na ninaamini kuwa Polisi wa Usalama barabarani wataanza kutoa ‘traffic notifications’ kwa njia hii; pia Wizara ya Ardhi wataanza kutoa Hati za Ardhi za kielektroniki na kukusanya maduhuli kwa njia hii ikiwemo Wizara ya Nishati na Madini kwa tozo mbalimbali wanazotoza. Juhudi zote hizi lazima zionekane kwa kupunguza mzigo wa kodi kwa Wafanyakazi ambao kiukweli ni wachache (takribani 1.3 milioni) lakini wanabebeshwa mzigo mkubwa wa kodi kuliko wawekezaji wakubwa.

Mheshimiwa Spika, Tanzania haiwezi kuendelea kuwa nchi ambayo Serikali yake inaendeshwa na fedha za wafanyakazi, wafanyabiashara wadogo na wahisani. Ni lazima makampuni makubwa ya uwezekaji nchini yashiriki kuendesha Serikali kwa kulipa kodi stahili na kuondoa kabisa misamaha ambayo haina mahusiano yeyote na ukuaji wa ajira nchini na kuongeza thamani ya mazao yetu ya kilimo. Vile vile ni muhimu sana kuongeza juhudi za kukuza ajira ili kuwa na wafanyakazi wengi ambao watapelekea kuongeza mapato ya Serikali badala ya kukamua kundi dogo lililopo hivi sasa. Nchini Kenya kiwango cha chini cha Kodi ya Mapato kwa wafanyakazi (PAYE) ni asilimia 10 tu kwa sababu idadi ya walipaji wa kodi hii wanafikia takribani milioni kumi wakati Tanzania ina wafanyakazi wanaolipwa mishahara ya kila mwezi milioni 1.3 tu.

Hifadhi ya Jamii kwa Wakulima

Mheshimiwa Spika, Taarifa ya Hali ya Uchumi wa Taifa inaonesha kuwa Tanzania ina jumla wa mifuko mitano ya Hifadhi ya Jamii yenye wanachama 1.3 milioni pekee. Idadi hii ya wanachama ni 6% ya nguvu kazi ya Tanzania. Hata hivyo nguvu kazi ya nchi haipo kwenye wafanyakazi wa mishahara pekee kwani asilimia takribani 70 ya Watanzania wanaishi vijijini na kujihusisha na sekta ya Kilimo. Kwa kuwa mifuko ya Hifadhi ya Jamii haijafikia wakulima maana yake Watanzania wengi sana wanaishi ya mashaka kwa sababu hawana Bima ya Afya, hawana mafao mengine ya muda mfupi na wala hawana pensheni. Hali hii ni lazima kuirekebisha kama tunataka Taifa lenye maendeleo. Hifadhi ya Jamii sio suala la pensheni tu bali pia ni suala la uwekezaji wa akiba (savings) na uwekezaji wa ndani (investments).

Mheshimiwa Spika, Kasi ya ukuaji uchumi na uwekezaji (Growth and investment rates) vina mahusiano chanya.Takwimu za Penn World Tables (2002) zinaonyesha kuwa kwa nchi 38 za Afrika Kusini mwa jangwa la Sahara wastani wa ukuaji uchumi ulikuwa  0.6% na wastani wa uwiano wa uwekezaji na ukuaji uchumi ulikuwa  10%. Kwa nchi 9 za Asia (9 Asian ‘miracle’ economies), wastani wa ukuaji uchumi ulikuwa 4.9% na wastani wa uwiano kati ya ukuaji uchumi na uwekezaji ulikuwa 25%. Kasi ya ukuaji wa uchumi wa Taifa lolote duniani unahusiana moja kwa moja na utayari wa wananchi wa nchi hizo kuweka akiba na kuwekeza vitega uchumi. Takwimu hizi zinaonyesha dhahiri kwamba ili Afrika ipige hatua ni muhimu sana kuimarisha uwekezaji wa ndani ambao unatokana na kiwango cha uwekaji akiba.

Mheshimiwa Spika, ukuaji wa uchumi wa kasi na haraka hauwezekani bila ya sekta ya fedha iliyokita mizizi. Hata hivyo, kwa mujibu wa Taarifa ya Hali ya Umasikini nchini (PHDR 2009) mfumo wa kibenki nchini kwetu hautoi msaada wa kutosha kwa wafanyabiashara ndogondogo na wakulima. Mikopo kwa uwekezaji wa ndani ni midogo sana kiasi kwamba haisaidii kuongeza uzalishaji (productivity) na kuhimiza mabadiliko makubwa ya Uchumi (transformation of the economy). Mikopo mingi inayotolewa na mabenki ni kwa matumizi binafsi ya watu na mikopo mikubwa ni kwa shughuli za uchuuzi (trading) badala ya uzalishaji. Hii inathibitishwa na Taarifa ya Hali ya Uchumi wa Taifa ya mwaka 2013 ambayo inaonyesha kuwa katika mikopo ya thamani ya tshs 10.3 trilioni, ni asilimia 9 tu iliyokwenda sekta ya kilimo. 11.4% viwanda na 25% ilikwenda kwa wachuuzi. Asilimia 17 ya mikopo ilikwenda kwa watu binafsi kwa ajili ya matumizi binafsi!

Kuna haja kubwa ya kufanya mabadiliko makubwa sana ya kimuundo na kisheria na kisera ili kuhakikisha kuwa uzalishaji kwenye kilimo na uongezaji thamani wa bidhaa za kilimo unapata uhakika wa fedha za mikopo. Benki sio rafiki ya Masikini. Benki sio rafiki ya mkulima mdogo hapa nchini. Lazima kubadilika kifikra na kuachana na mazoea. Ni lazima sasa kuweka vivutio kwa wakulima kuweka akiba ya muda mrefu na kuondoa mwiko wa mkulima kutokuwa na pensheni. Hifadhi ya Jamii kwa Mkulima ni suluhisho la kuongeza akiba nchini, kupanua fursa za uwekezaji wa ndani tena kwenye kuongeza uzalishaji wa Kilimo na kujenga jamii ambayo inahifadhiwa. Hifadhi ya Jamii kwa Mkulima pia itaongeza ushindani dhidi ya mabenki katika soko la mikopo midogo midogo na hivyo kumfaidisha mkulima.

Mheshimiwa Spika, mabilioni ya fedha tunayoona yanamilikiwa na mabenki, mifuko ya hifadhi ya jamii, kampuni za bima na asasi za uwekezaji ni matokeo ya kukusanya viakiba vya mtu mmoja mmoja kutoka kwa mamilioni ya watu. Kazi ya asasi za fedha ni kukusanya mabilioni haya na kuyaelekeza kwenye uwekezaji wa miradi mikubwa ianyofanywa na wafanyabiashara na hata miradi midogo kwa wafanyabiashara wadogo. Katika bara la Afrika, hivi sasa watu masikini wanaweka akiba zao katika vyama vya kuweka na kukopa (SACCOS). Hii ni hali halisi Tanzania, hali ambayo lazima tuijenge kwani mabenki hayapendi kuendesha akiba ndogondogo za watu masikini. Mifuko ya Hifadhi ya Jamii imeanza mafao ya mikopo kwa SACCOS za wanachama wao na hivyo kuweza kukopa kwa lengo la kuendesha maisha yao kwa kuongeza uzalishaji hasa kwenye Kilimo. Wafanyakazi wa Sekta rasmi wametungiwa sheria kwamba ni lazima sehemu ya mishahara yao wakatwe kama akiba ya uzeeni na majanga mengine. Waajiri wao pia hukatwa fedha kuchangia pensheni za wafanyakazi wao. Mkulima hana sheria ya kumlazimisha kuweka akiba (na sio lazima kuwepo kwa sheria hiyo) na pia hana ‘mjomba’ wa kumchangia sehemu ya pensheni yake. Hata hivyo Mkulima anachangia 25% ya Uchumi wa Tanzania (GDP) na pia fedha za kigeni. Mchango wa bidhaa za kilimo kwenye mauzo nje umekuwa mdogo kwa sababu wakulima wananyonywa na mabenki na hawana fursa ya mikopo ya kupanua mashamba yao, kununua pembejeo na kufikia masoko mazuri ya bidhaa zao.

Mheshimiwa Spika, Hali ya Uchumi wa Taifa 2013 inaonesha kuwa 20% ya mapato ya fedha za kigeni nchini yanatoka kwenye bidhaa za kilimo ambacho ni Pamba, Kahawa, Tumbaku, Chai, Korosho, Karafuu na Katani. Mazao haya yanaingiza jumla ya dola za kimarekani 867 milioni. Uchumi wetu hauwezi kuondoa umasikini kwa sababu shughuli zake zimejikita kwenye sekta ya madini ambayo inachangia ajira kiduchu (an enclave) lakini inachangia 40% ya mauzo nje. Uchumi wetu ni egemezi na tegemezi kwa sekta moja tu jambo ambalo ni hatari sana kwa ustawi wa maisha ya wananchi. Ni wajibu wa Serikali kuweka mazingira ya kuongeza uzalishaji wa mazao ya Kilimo na hivyo kuongeza mapato ya fedha za kigeni na kuondoa umasikini vijijini. Mauzo ya bidhaa za kilimo nje yameshuka kwa kiwango cha asilimia 9, zao la Tumbaku ambalo ndio linaongoza kwa kuingiza fedha za kigeni dola za marekani 307 milioni (zaidi ya shilingi bilioni 500 za kitanzania), mauzo yake yaliporomoka kwa kiwango cha asilimia 12 kutokana na wakulima kutotumia mbolea kwa sababu ya kukosa mikopo katika mabenki kulikosababishwa na unyonyaji wa zaidi ya shilingi bilioni 28 kwa mujibu wa taarifa ya ukaguzi. Mauzo ya Pamba yalishuka kwa asilimia 32 kutokana na mgogoro wa bei uliosababishwa na kutokuwepo kwa sera ya kufidia bei kwa wakulima (price stabilisation).

Mheshimiwa Spika, suluhisho la mambo yote haya ni kuingiza wakulima kwenye hifadhi ya jamii ili waweke akiba, wapate mafao ya muda mfupi na mrefu na wapate mikopo kupitia vyama vyao vya ushirika vya kuweka na kukopa(AMCOS). Mabenki hayataendelea tena kunyonya wakulima kwa sababu riba zinazotolewa kwa mikopo ya SACCOS/AMCOS ni nafuu na zinaendana na hali halisi ya wakulima. Kupitia kujiunga kwao katika Hifadhi ya Jamii, Fao la fidia ya bei laweza kuanzishwa ili kuwafidia wakulima pale bei za mazao yao zinaposhuka chini ya gharama zao za uzalishaji.

Mheshimiwa Spika, katika jimbo langu la uchaguzi tumefanya mradi huu na hivi sasa wakulima wa kahawa wa vijiji vya Matyazo, Mkabogo na Rusaba kupitia chama chao cha Ushirika cha RUMAKO ni wanachama wa NSSF na tayari wameanza kufaidika na mafao kama bima ya afya na mikopo yenye riba nafuu. Kufuatia mafanikio ya RUMAKO vyama vingine vya ushirika vinavyounda chama kikuu cha KANYOVU chenye vyama 12 vya msingi wamejiunga na NSSF. Tunaweza kusema kwa uhakika kabisa kuwa wakulima wote wa kahawa wa mkoa wa Kigoma wanahifadhi ya Jamii kupitia vyama vyao vya ushirika. Shirika la NSSF sasa limeanzisha mpango wa kuandikisha wakulima wengi zaidi nchi nzima kupitia ‘Wakulima scheme’. Katika mpango huu NSSF wameshirikiana na Tume ya Ushirika nchini ambayo kuanzia january, 2014 imepewa jukumu la kudhibiti na kusimamia vyama vya ushirika nchini. Ni hatua ya kupigiwa mfano. Hata hivyo bila vivutio vya serikali wakulima hawatajiunga na hifadhi ya jamii kwa wingi tunaoutaka ili kubadilisha kabisa uchumi wa watu wetu vijijini.

Mheshimiwa Spika, Napendekeza ifuatavyo;

  • Serikali ianzishe mpango wa kuwachangia wakulima wanaojiunga na Hifadhi ya Jamii kwa uwiano wa theluthi ya michango yao. Kwa mfano iwapo mkulima atachangia tshs 20,000 kwa mwezi basi Serikali imchangie tshs 10,000 kwa mwezi kwa sharti kwamba iwapo atajitoa kwenye hifadhi ya jamii huu mchango wa Serikali hataupata lakini iwapo akikaa kwenye hifadhi ya jamii kwa miaka isiyopungua kumi/umri wa kustaafu ataweza kupata michango yote na mafao stahiki kwa mujibu wa sheria kama mfanyakazi wa sekta rasmi.
  • Serikali iachane na mpango wa kuanzisha ‘price stabilisation fund’ na badala yake iweke sera kwamba wakulima waliokwenye Hifadhi ya Jamii moja ya fao watakaolipata ni fao la fidia ya bei ambalo litalipwa kwa namna ambayo wataalamu wa ‘actuarial’ wataona ni endelevu.
  • Serikali kupitia Msimamizi wa Hifadhi ya Jamii nchini (SSRA) waelekeze kuwa mifuko itenge angalau 40% ya akiba wa wakulima kwenye uwekezaji wa kuendeleza miundombinu ya kilimo, kuongeza thamani ya mazao ya kilimo na kutoa mikopo yenye riba nafuu kwa wakulima kupitia SACCOS/AMCOS

Mheshimiwa Spika, iwapo kwa mfano wakulima milioni moja tu nchini walio kwenye vyama vya Ushirika wakijiunga katika hifadhi ya jamii na kuchangia kiwango cha chini kabisa cha tshs 20,000 kwa mwezi (michango itakayokatwa kulingana na msimu wa kilimo cha zao husika) na serikali kuweka kivutio cha tshs 10,000 katika kila mchango wa mkulima mmoja mmoja katika idadi hiyo, jumla ya Michango itakayokusanywa nitakuwa ni tshs 360 bilioni. Wakulima hawa watapata bima ya afya wao, wenza wao na wategemezi 4 na hivyo bima ya afya kufikia Watanzania milioni 6. Fedha hizi zitatumika kuwekeza kwenye miradi ya uzalishaji katika sekta ya kilimo ikiwemo mikopo ya pembejeo, ujenzi wa miundombinu ya kilimo na viwanda vya kuongeza thamani ya mazao ya kilimo. Mifuko ya Hifadhi ya Jamii inaweza kuwekeza fedha hizi kama hisa kwenye Benki ya Kilimo na kuwezesha uwekezaji mkubwa katika sekta ya kilimo. Hii ndio inaitwa ‘Transformation’.

Mheshimiwa Spika naomba kuwasilisha

Kabwe Zuberi Zitto, Mb

Kigoma Kaskazini.

Kigoma. Juni 17, 2014.



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