Zitto na Demokrasia

Zitto na Demokrasia

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September 3, 2014 at 2:04 AM

Gesi si mwarobaini wa umasikini, kazi shambani

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Gesi si mwarobaini wa umasikini, kazi shambani
Zitto Kabwe
Toleo la 367  20 Aug 2014
Rais Kikwete na Waziri Muhongo
TANZANIA kama ilivyo kwa Bara la Afrika ni miongoni mwa nchi zenye uchumi unaokua kwa kasi. Inakadiriwa kwamba kati ya mwaka 2012 mpaka 2017 katika nchi kumi zenye uchumi unaokua kwa kasi zaidi, sita zitakuwa zinatoka Bara la Afrika. Tanzania ni moja ya nchi hizo, nyingine ni Rwanda, Angola, Chad, Ethiopia na Equatorial Guinea.

Angola, Equatorial Guinea na Chad kasi yao ya kukuza uchumi inasukumwa na utajiri mkubwa wa mafuta na gesi. Hata hivyo, nchi hizi zipo chini katika viwango vya kidemokrasia na utajiri wa maliasili zao umekuwa ukinufaisha watu wachache. Kwa mfano, huko Angola na Equatorial Guinea, ni familia za marais wao (waliokaa madarakani kwa zaidi ya miongo mitatu) na familia za karibu na watawala ndizo zinanufaika na uchumi wa nchi zao.

Hali ya ufukara wa wananchi katika nchi hizo hauwiani na mapato makubwa ambayo serikali zao zimekuwa zikipata kutoka katika mafuta na gesi asilia.

Nchini Rwanda, sekta ya huduma ndio inayoendesha uchumi ingawa mwaka jana wameweza kuvuka lengo la asilimia tano ya kasi ya kukua kwa sekta ya kilimo. Rwanda nao, licha ya mafanikio makubwa katika kutokomeza umasikini (theluthi ya wananchi wameondoka kwenye dimbwi la umasikini ndani ya miaka kumi, 2000 – 2010), bado kuna malalamiko makubwa ya utawala wa kiimla nchini humo.

Kwamba hakuna uhuru wa habari na Serikali ya Rais Paul Kagame inakandamiza sauti za upinzani. Je, mtawala wa imla mwenye kuleta ahueni kwa wananchi ni afadhali kuliko mtawala wa kidemokrasia mwenye kukuza umasikini? Hili ni swali ambalo wanazuoni wana majibu yanayotofautiana kwa kila hali.

Sekta ya Kilimo ikikua kwa kasi ya asilimia tano na kuendelea kwa miaka mitano mfululizo, inaweza kupunguza umasikini kwa zaidi ya asilimia 30 katika kipindi hicho. Ethiopia, kasi yake ya ukuaji wa uchumi inachochewa na sekta ya kilimo pamoja na sekta ya viwanda. Iwapo Ethiopia itaendelea na kasi ya ukuaji wa uchumi wa zaidi ya asilimia saba kwa mwaka, unaosukumwa na kilimo na viwanda, basi baada ya miaka 10 nchi hiyo itakuwa ‘power house’ ya Bara la Afrika.

Kama Rwanda, Ethiopia pia imeweza kutokomeza umasikini kwa kasi katika kipindi cha muongo mmoja uliopita, vile vile, kama Rwanda, uongozi wa Waziri Mkuu Meles Zenawi (sasa marehemu) umekuwa ukilalamikiwa kwa utawala wa kiimla licha ya mafanikio makubwa katika maendeleo ya kilimo na viwanda.

Tanzania haijaanza uzalishaji wa kiwango kikubwa wa rasilimali ya gesi na mafuta (ukiacha uzalishaji kidogo katika visima vya Songosongo), lakini sekta zinazoendesha ukuaji wa uchumi wake ni madini, mawasiliano na utalii. Kiwango cha umasikini nchini kimeshuka kutoka asilimia 37 mwaka 2003 mpaka asilimia 28 mwaka 2013. Kasi ya kutokomeza umasikini bado ni ndogo ukilinganisha na mataifa haya niliyoyataja hapo juu.

Midomoni mwa watawala wa Tanzania ni kwamba gesi asilia ndio mkombozi kwa sasa. Ngonjera hizo hizo zilikuwa zikiimbwa pale Tanzania ilipoingia kwenye uzalishaji mkubwa wa dhahabu. Wakati huo, Waziri wa sasa wa Nishati na Madini ndiye aliyekuwa Mwenyekiti wa Shirika la STAMICO ambalo liliachia migodi yake yote na kuwapa wawekezaji kutoka nje kwa nyimbo kwamba dhahabu itaondoa umasikini wetu. Miaka 17 sasa, ufukara wa wananchi upo pale pale na santuri imegeuzwa na sasa inaimba gesi asilia na Watanzania, wasomi na wasio wasomi wanacheza na kupiga makofi.

Nilimsikia Waziri wa Nishati na Madini akiwaeleza viongozi wa dini nchini mwanzoni mwa mwaka huu, mbele ya Rais Jakaya Kikwete kwamba; “tumelima wee, bado tu masikini. Tumefanya biashara, bado tu masikini. Sasa gesi imekuja, ndio mwarobaini wa umasikini”.

Nilitaraji Rais aliposimama kuzungumza angeweza kuweka maelezo sawia, lakini nadhani alishindwa kumsahihisha waziri wake mbele ya hadhara ile. Lakini pia inawezekana ndio msimamo wa serikali kuwapa matumaini wananchi kwamba ‘umasikini sasa basi’.

Gesi asilia hata igunduliwe kila kona ya nchi haitaweza kuondoa ufukara wa wananchi. Ingekuwa ni hivyo leo Nigeria ingekuwa taifa lenye watu wenye maendeleo kuliko mataifa mengi duniani. Lakini Nigeria bado, licha ya kuwa na uchumi mkubwa zaidi Afrika, ina watu mafukara wa kutupwa.

Pato la mwananchi wa Nigeria ni chini ya dola za Marekani 1,500 kwa mwaka, yaani ni nusu tu ya nchi kama Mauritius isiyo na chembe ya mafuta. Mifano ya Angola, Equatorial Guinea na Gabon inatosha kabisa kuwakumbusha watawala wetu kwamba mafuta au gesi asilia ni mwarobaini wa umasikini.

Nchi zote hizi hazijafanikiwa kwa sababu ya ufisadi mkubwa unaotokana na usiri katika mikataba ya madini, mafuta na gesi asilia. Hapa Tanzania mikataba yote hiyo bado ni siri na matokeo yake ni upotevu mkubwa wa fedha tunaotarajia kushuhudia kutokana na mikataba mibovu.

Tayari mkataba uliovuja wa kampuni ya StatOil umeonyesha kuwa Tanzania itapoteza shilingi trilioni moja na bilioni 600 kila mwaka kwa miaka 15, katika kitalu kimoja tu (block 2). Hatujui mikataba mingine 26 hali ikoje maana yenyewe haijavuja.

Mwarobaini wa umasikini ni kazi

Tanzania imejaribu kila aina ya mipango ya maendeleo. Miaka takribani 25 ya mwanzo wa Uhuru wetu tumeitumia kujenga taifa la kijamaa.

Katika mapumziko yangu ya mwisho wa wiki, wiki hii iliyokwisha nilikuwa nasoma uchambuzi kuhusu utekelezaji wa vijiji vya ujamaa. Katika kitabu kimoja cha Andrew Coulson (Political Economy of Tanzania) ameainisha namna Dola ilivyoamua kusukuma yenyewe maendeleo.

Mmoja wa vijana wa wakati huo, Juma Mwapachu (sasa balozi mstaafu) alinukuliwa akiandika; “Nchi haiwezi kuacha raia wake wakiishi maisha ya kifo – life of death. Jioni ya Jumamosi nilikutana na Balozi Mwapachu nikamuuliza, unaweza kuandika tena vile? Akasema kwa ujasiri kabisa, “ndio mwanangu.”

Dola ilidhamiria kweli kweli. Dola iliamini kwa dhati kabisa kwamba inalo jukumu la kuchochea maendeleo. Utekelezaji wa ujamaa uliendana na makosa mengi ya uharibifu wa mali na hata ukiukwaji wa haki za binadamu. Lakini dhamira ilikuwa kazi– kuongeza tija kwenye uzalishaji mali, viwandani na mashambani.

Miaka 25 iliyofuatia Tanzania ikahamia kutekeleza sera za soko huria na kuitoa dola kwenye kusukuma maendeleo ya watu wake. Bahati mbaya, soko huria likawa soko holela kutokana na kukosekana mipango ya kidola ya kusawazisha makosa ya soko.

Nimebahatika kushiriki katika baraza kubwa zaidi nchini, Bunge, tena nikiwa Mwenyekiti wa Kamati inayotazama matumizi yetu (postmorterm) kwa miaka yote isipokuwa miwili ya mwanzo. Nimebahatika kuwa kiongozi mwandamizi katika chama kimojawapo kikuu cha siasa nchini.

Nafasi zote hizo nimezishika nikiwa kijana mdogo. Sijaona ushahidi wowote kwamba taifa lilijiandaa kutoka mfumo wa uchumi wa kijamaa kwenda uchumi wa soko huria. Ndani ya Bunge na ndani ya vikao vya vyama vya siasa hakuna mijadala inayohusu maendeleo ya watu, zaidi ya namna gani ya kuendelea kushika dola au namna gani ya kupata dola.

Ndio maana tunashuhudia kwenye mikutano ya vyama na hasa nyakati za uchaguzi wanasiasa wakihubiri mrengo mmoja wa maendeleo (soko huria) na kushindanisha orodha ya miradi badala ya kushindanisha maono (visions) na itikadi za kimaendeleo.

Ninapojisomea zaidi naona kama tulikurupuka, tukaachana na ujamaa na mazuri yake na mabaya yake na kukumbatia ubepari bila kuchukua hadhari kuhusu mabaya yake. Wale wale waliokuwa wanahubiri ujamaa ndio wakaanza kuhubiri uzuri wa soko huria.

Ngonjera zilezile, matokeo yake ni umasikini kuongezeka maradufu, tofauti ya walio nacho na wasionacho kuendelea kupanuka. Tulipotupilia mbali dhana ya uzalishaji mali mashambani na viwandani, tukakumbatia uchuuzi. Sasa tumekuwa taifa la wachuuzi. Uchuuzi hauzalishi kazi nyingi na pasipo na kazi ufukara hushamiri.

Mipango ipi inafaa kutuondoa katika dimbwi la ufukara? Kamwe tusidhani utajiri wa gesi asilia utatutoa. Utajiri huu utaongeza pengo la wenye nacho na wasio nacho kwa sababu mipango ya sasa ya uchumi imewekwa kwenye nguzo ya mwenye nguvu ndiye anafaidika.

Nguvu inatokana na taarifa (information is power) na taarifa kwa nchi kama yetu zinazaa vipato nyemelezi (rent seeking) ambazo zinanufaisha wachache. Ndivyo imetokea kwenye sekta ya madini na mawasiliano, ambapo wenye taarifa ndio wamefaidika na wananchi wengi na hasa vijana wamebakia wapagazi wa wenye taarifa (rent seekers).

Hawa kina Mwapachu, vijana wa zamani, walikuwa wanaimbishwa kuwa kazi ni kipimo cha utu. Mipango ya kutuondoa kwenye ufukara ni mipango ambayo imejikita kwenye nguzo zinazozalisha kazi na maarifa ya kufanya kazi.

Kwa sasa kazi ambazo zitanufaisha Watanzania wengi ni kazi za kilimo. Kilimo sio kazi ya shambani tu, ni pamoja na mnyororo wake wa thamani (value chain). Sera ya ujamaa ilijenga viwanda vya kuongeza thamani mazao ya kilimo. Kulikuwa kuna kiwanda cha nguo katika kila kanda ya Tanzania na kiwanda kikubwa cha nyuzi Tabora bila kutaja ginneries (vinu vya uchambuaji) zilizozagaa vijijini.

Sera ya ujamaa ilijenga viwanda vya kubangua korosho 12 katika wilaya zote zinazozalisha zao hilo. Sera yetu mpya ya nusu ya pili ya miaka ya Uhuru imefanya nini? ‘deindustrialisation’ kwa jina la ubinafsishaji.

Nilikwenda kukagua viwanda vya korosho mwaka 2012, kama Mwenyekiti wa Kamati ya Posmortem (PAC), nilikuta viwanda vyote vimegeuzwa kuwa maghala ya kuhifadhi korosho. Nilikwenda mji mdogo wa Choma huko Igunga- mkoani Tabora, nilikuta iliyokuwa ginnery (kiwanda cha kuchambua pamba) kimetelekezwa na mwekezaji.

Korosho yetu yote tunayouza nje hivi sasa ni korosho ghafi, tunahamishia ajira India tunapouza korosho yetu nyingi. Tunauza marobota ya pamba na kuagiza mashati na suruali tunazovaa na kujidai mitaani. Hakika hakuna umazwazwa (ujuha) zaidi ya huu. Hebu tujadili, ujamaa ulikosea wapi? Mbona sera hizi mpya ndizo zinatutia ufukara zaidi?

Nilisoma nikiwa darasa la nne, ‘kama unataka mali, utayapata shambani’. Ujamaa ulitaka kazi. Waliotekeleza Azimio la Arusha hawakutaka kazi, fursa ilipofika wakatupilia mbali Azimio. Lakini bado nchi ipo pale pale au imekuwa mbaya zaidi. Turudi kwenye misingi. Hakuna namna! Tuutafakari kwa kina na kwa kukosoa ujamaa. Tutafakari kwa kina na kukosoa sera za sasa. Kisha tuunde kitu kipya. Miaka 50 inatosha kutakafakari majaribio yetu.

- See more at: http://www.raiamwema.co.tz/gesi-si-mwarobaini-wa-umasikini-kazi-shambani#sthash.X1qbO5iU.Mw88XujN.dpuf

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August 22, 2014 at 1:25 PM

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Corruption stinks, We must end it now

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Corruption stinks, We must end it now

 Also reported by The Citizen Newspaper

Zitto Kabwe talking at the CEOs Round Table Dinner.

We must end it now

Remarks by Zitto Kabwe, MP at the launch of nationwide survey on people’s perceptions of corruption in Tanzania by Sauti za Wananchi, TWAWEZA on the 5th August, 2014 Dar es Salaam.

In 1999 when I was a first year student at the university and a student activist, the student body invited Judge Joseph Warioba to speak about corruption. At the Council Chamber he narrated a story about a woman whose child was sick at Mbeya Referral hospital and died because she did not have tshs 500 bribe to give to a nurse in order for the nurse to admit a drip on the child. I always remember this story and results of this survey confirm it. This survey shows that 7 out of 10 individuals consider a patient giving money or other materials to a public health facility doctor for the help they gave to them as corruption. Our people are confronted with this reality in their daily lives. We must fight everyday corruption as much as grand corruption. It is the poorest that pays the highest price of corruption. As endemic as corruption in Tanzania is, we need new approach to combat it, Thomas Sankara once said “You cannot carry out fundamental change without a certain amount of madness”.

Everyday corruption isn’t reported in our media outlets as much as mega scams, but it is real and so pervasive in our society. Daily life in Tanzania is governed by the ‘petty’ corruption of public officials in services such as health, education, agriculture and judicial system. It takes various forms including commission for illicit service, string-pulling, favours, nepotism, rent seeking and misappropriation.

The survey once again confirms the pervasive nature of corruption in Tanzania and the hopelessness the population has on cutting down corruption. It is argued that corruption in Africa generally and in Tanzania in particular is qualitatively different from corruption in other parts of the world in its pervasiveness, its legitimations and its significant impact on the nature of the state.[1] Formal definitions of corruption range from decay of society to single act of bribery. It involves the acquisition of money, assets or power in a way which escapes public view.[2]

The survey we are presented with today shows all signs of a rotten society with sustained bad habit of putting things under the carpets. 8 out of 10 people believe corruption has increased over the last decade and majority believe that we can not end corruption. What is shocking is the fact that 7 out of 10 people believe that even if we change the governing party corruption wont be fought. With the revelations of the audited report of the accounts of political parties coming soon, the people are stating the obvious. There is a moral decay. It stinks.

Public Accounts Committee’s (PAC) duty is to hold public officials accountable. Through reports of the Comptroller and Auditor General, PAC and previously POAC has produced reports and reports about mismanagement of public funds. We were very successful in 2012 whereby through a threat to impeach the Prime minister, the President sacked 6 senior ministers and 2 deputies. 1 prosecution has been done (TBS) but the hunter became hunted. POAC was disbanded, annual reports by committees pushed to November sessions of parliament (so during election year in 2015 the PAC report won’t be submitted in April!) and Public Audit Act of 2008 amended to reduce the powers of oversight committees vis a vis auditor general reports. Obviously these are steps backward. It is comparable to the famous Tehelka scandal in India where journalists showed a secret video footage of senior politicians accepting bribes. Journalists became victims instead of the corrupt.[3] But these negative actions against anti corruption campaigners shall not deter us from fighting graft in Tanzania.

I am not shocked at all with the revelations that many Tanzanians know little about scams like IPTL (8 out of 10 Tanzanians had not heard of the scandal). I knew about withdrawal of Tegeta escrow money for the first time through The Citizen newspaper and immediately I acted upon and summoned central bank governor before PAC (http://zittokabwe.wordpress.com/2014/03/04/mapya-iptl-270million-zimetokaje-bot/). We issued statements on every single step we were taking including a directive to CAG and PCCB to carry a special audit. PAC directed special audit on Tegeta Escrow Account on the 20th March, 2014. Media houses with exception of Mwananchi, The Citizen and Mtanzania were not covering the scam at all regardless of number of statements we issued. May be they did not understand it. The day ndugu David Kafulila spoke about it in parliament, handful of papers reported and majority ignored the story but carried a clarification about it. (https://www.facebook.com/zittokabwe/posts/746280225392677). I posted on my Facebook wall ‘wahariri na miwani za mbao’. Now coverage about the scam has increased with the newest revelations from RaiaMwema weekly and daily TanzaniaDaima that the scam involve a tax fraud and a fraudulent transfer of ownership involving tax havens. Therefore, there is a significant need for media coverage in order for the public to hear about these scams. In addition, it is about how the scam is communicated for the people to understand.- therefore, I believe there is a need for adequate and rational media coverage of these scams so that people can be informed about them.

In Tanzania, we have metamorphosed into a situation whereby somebody is corrupt if he or she is your political enemy. And sometimes politics drive media coverage in order to confuse the public. Today IPTL scam is one of the most misunderstood because politicians, bureaucrats and some media have collaborated for it to be so. However when PAC submits its report to the house based on the findings from special audit, the country will be stunned to see how public officials participated in sanctioning a fraudulent transaction in the name of national interest. Will PCCB go ahead with prosecutions? Yes and No.

I have full trust in the ability and capacity of PCCB. But the system is set in such a way that the latter has no powers to bite. A number of cases are with Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP). As a nation we must decide now to grant PCCB the power to prosecute. I strongly advocate the establishment of Serious Fraud Office within PCCB that will have legislative powers to investigate and prosecute all major scams done by public officials. Granting PCCB powers to prosecute may be included in the draft constitution through establishment of the Public Integrity Office.

Civil Society Organisations may as well engage in addressing everyday corruption through surveys and providing an opportunity for the people to report incidences of corruption. What about ranking regions based on corruption persecution index? Or even district authorities?

PAC is going to introduce a bill in parliament to amend proceeds of crime act so that an individual with assets not commensurate with his or her income levels has a burden of proof on the legality of the assets. Councils’ officials, central government bureaucrats and politicians with wealth not in line with their incomes must be subjected to prove origin of their wealth in court. This will help the war against corruption.

I strongly propose that pressure to enact a freedom of information act be increased. This was promised by President Kikwete under OGP and the deadline set has already passed. Powered with information, the citizens can be mobilized to end public corruption.

We have to ACT now.

[1] From Everyday Corruption and the State by Blundo G, et al.

[2] Global Corruption by Cockcroft L.

[3] Curbing Corruption in Asian Countries: An Impossible Dream? By Quah J.S

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August 6, 2014 at 12:29 PM

MSIMAMO WA NDUGU ZITTO KABWE KUHUSU MCHAKATO WA KUANDIKA KATIBA MPYA

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MSIMAMO WA NDUGU ZITTO KABWE KUHUSU MCHAKATO WA KUANDIKA KATIBA MPYA

Jana tarehe 29 Julai, 2014 nimefanya mahojiano katika kipindi cha PowerBreakFast kinachorushwa na Clouds FM. Baadhi ya vyombo vya habari vimeandika mahojiano yale. Napenda nitoe ufafanuzi kidogo kuhusu msimamo wangu kuhusu mchakato wa Katiba.

Kwanza, Mimi sijawahi kuwa UKAWA wala kundi lolote lile katika Bunge Maalumu la Katiba isipokuwa kundi linalotaka maridhiano. Msimamo wangu kuhusu Muungano ni Serikali Tatu Zilizoboreshwa (S3z) ili kuwa na Muungano imara usio tegemezi wala egemezi kwa Washirika wake.

Pili, Mimi niliunga mkono ‘protest’ ya baadhi ya Wajumbe wa Bunge Maalumu la Katiba kupinga lugha za matusi na lugha za kibaguzi zilizokuwa zinaendelea ndani ya mkutano ule. Vilevile niliunga mkono kwamba Rasimu inayopaswa kujadiliwa ni Rasimu iliyotokana na Tume ya Marekebisho ya Katiba iliyoongozwa na Jaji Joseph Sinde Warioba. Nasisitiza umuhimu wa kupata Katiba BORA itakayoimarisha DOLA ya Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania.

Tatu, kwa hali ya sasa kuna mkwamo katika kupatikana kwa Katiba Bora. Mkwamo unaotokana na kutokuwepo kwa nia ya dhati ya kupata maridhiano ya pande zinazopingana. UKAWA hawataki mazungumzo na Viongozi wa Bunge la Katiba badala ya kujenga maridhiano kila siku wanawabeza UKAWA jambo ambalo kamwe haliwezi kujenga mwafaka. Ushauri wangu ni kuahirisha mchakato mzima wa kuandika Katiba mpaka mwaka 2016 baada ya Uchaguzi Mkuu wa mwaka 2015. Katiba ya sasa ifanyiwe marekebisho machache kama ifuatavyo;

i) Tume ya Uchaguzi ili iwe huru na ionekane kuwa huru, ikiwemo kuwaondoa watumishi wa Halmashauri za Wilaya, Miji na Majiji katika kusimamia uchaguzi

ii) Kuruhusu mgombea binafsi

iii) Kuondoa Mafuta na Gesi kama Jambo la Muungano ili Zanzibar ianze mara moja kusimamia kwa uhuru utafutaji wa Mafuta katika vitalu vilivyopo upande huo wa Muungano

Mkutano wa Bunge Maalumu utakaofanyika bila kuwepo kwa maridhiano utakuwa hauna maana yeyote na itakuwa ni sawa na kupoteza muda na fedha za walipa kodi ambazo zingeweza kununua madawa vijijini. Mimi binafsi sitahudhuria mkutano wa Bunge Maalumu kama makundi hasimu hayatakuwa yamefikia maridhiano.

Kabwe Zitto, MB/MBMK

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July 30, 2014 at 2:07 PM

MKATABA WA GESI WA STATOIL NA TANZANIA

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MKATABA WA GESI WA STATOIL NA TANZANIA

Swali kwa TPDC: Kwanini Makubaliano ni tofauti na Mkataba Elekezi (Model PSA)?

Baada ya kuvuja kwa Mkataba wa kutafuta na kuzalisha Gesi Asilia (PSA) kati ya Serikali kupitia TPDC na Kampuni ya Norway ya StatOil na baada ya baadhi ya wachambuzi kuhoji kuhusu mkataba huo, Shirika la TPDC limetoa maelezo yake. Sio mara moja, sasa ni mara ya tatu. Kimsingi TPDC wanasema wachambuzi waliochambua nyongeza hiyo ya Mkataba hawana uelewa wa mambo haya na wanaleta siasa. Nadhani ni muhimu TPDC wakajikita katika kueleza kwa lugha ambayo wananchi wa kawaida wataelewa badala ya kusingizia uelewa wa watu katika masuala haya. Wizara ya Nishati na Madini haina uelewa wa pekee wa masuala ya Mafuta na Gesi kama wanavyotaka umma uamini. Kuna watanzania wengi tu wenye kufuatilia mambo haya na wenye uwezo mpana hasa katika masuala ya kodi katika tasnia hii. Ni wajibu wa TPDC kutoa maelezo yasiyo changanya wananchi na bora zaidi waweke mikataba hii ya Gesi na Mafuta wazi. Maelezo yaliyotolewa na TPDC mpaka sasa hayaeleweki na yana lengo la kuwachanganya wananchi kama sio kuwaongopea.

Swali la Msingi

Serikali kupitia “Model PSA” imeweka viwango vya mgawanyo wa mapato kati ya Mwekezaji na nchi. Viwango hivi ni vya mgawo wa mafuta au gesi asilia yanayozalishwa kwa siku. Mkataba huu elekezi upo kwenye tovuti ya Shirika la TPDC na ndio mwongozo wa majadiliano kwa mikataba yote. Kwa mujibu wa Mkataba huu elekezi uzalishaji wa gesi asilia unapokuwa wa chini kabisa (0 –249.999 MMscf kwa siku) mgawo kati ya Tanzania na Mwekezaji unakuwa ni nusu kwa nusu (50 – 50 ) baada ya mwekezaji kuondoa gharama zake zote za uzalishaji.

Iwapo uzalishaji umefikia hali ya juu kabisa ( 1500 MMscf na zaidi) mgawo wa Tanzania unakuwa asilimia 80 na Mwekezaji asilimia 20. Mwekezaji anaruhusiwa kuchukua mpaka asilimia 70 ya Gesi iliyozalishwa kufidia gharama za uzalishaji. Hivyo, kinachogawanywa ni asilimia 30 zinazobakia.

Mkataba uliovuja ( TPDC na StatOil hawajaukanusha) unaonyesha kuwa kiwango cha chini kabisa cha uzalishaji Serikali inapata asilimia 30 tu na Mwekezaji asilimia 70 licha ya kwamba tayari gharama zake keshajirudishia. Vile vile kiwango cha juu kabisa cha uzalishaji mgawo unakuwa sawa kwa sawa! Swali la msingi hapa ni, Kwanini makubaliano na kampuni hii ya StatOil yanaenda tofauti na Mkataba elekezi? Je, mikataba yote 26 imekwenda harijojo namna hii? Maswali haya bado hayajajibiwa na TPDC.

Tuelewe

Mkataba wa Gesi Asilia au Mafuta ni makubaliano ya kugawana mapato yanayotokana na kiwango kilichozalishwa. Katika maelezo yao TPDC wanaeleza kuhusu kodi ya mapato, mrahaba na kodi ya huduma. Kodi ya Mapato na kodi ya huduma ni kodi ambazo kila mfanyabiashara nchini anapaswa kulipa. Ikumbukwe kuwa imechukua miaka 20 na kelele nyingi sana mpaka kampuni za Madini kuanza kulipa kodi ya mapato na ushuru wa huduma. Mpaka leo hii bado Halmashauri za Geita na Kahama zinahangaika na kampuni za Madini kulipwa ushuru huu. Kampuni za Madini na za Mafuta hutumia mikakati ya kupanga kukwepa kodi (tax planning measures) kwa kutumia Tax Havens na Mikataba ya Double Taxation Treaties. Hivyo TPDC kusema tutegemee kodi ya Mapato ni sawa na kuimba kama kasuku na baada ya miaka 20 tutajikuta kwenye lawama zile zile za sekta ya Madini. Kwenye baadhi ya mikataba, kodi wanayolipa wawekezaji hukatwa kwenye mgawo wa TPDC na hivyo kodi hiyo hulipwa na TPDC na sio Mwekezaji kama tunavyoaminishwa na Serikali.

Kuhusu mrahaba wa asilimia 5 napo kuna tatizo kwani kwenye mikataba ya Gesi Asilia Mrahaba unalipwa na TPDC maana ndio mwenye leseni na sio Mwekezaji ambaye ni kandarasi tu. Mikataba kadhaa imeandikwa kwa namna ambayo Mwekezaji akilipa mrahaba, anajirudishia kwenye mapato ya Gesi kama gharama. Hivyo kimsingi mapato yetu ya uhakika ni kwenye mgawo wa uzalishaji. Ndio maana tunapiga kelele kuhusu mkataba huu wa StatOil kwenda kinyume na Mkataba mwelekezi wa Serikali.

Tutaambulia kiduchu sana

Kwa kuchambua Mkataba huu kati ya Tanzania na StatOil ya Norway hesabu zinaonyesha kuwa Nchi yetu itapata mgawo kiduchu sana. Chukulia uniti 1000 za gesi asilimia zimezalishwa kwa siku. Uniti 700 zinachukuliwa na Mwekezaji kufidia gharama za kuzalisha gesi hiyo na Uniti 300 zinazobakia Mwekezaji anachukua uniti 150 kama mgawo wake wa faida (profit gas). Hivyo Tanzania itabakia na uniti 150 tu kama mgawo wake, sawa na 15% tu ya Gesi Asilia yote iliyozalishwa katika siku hiyo. Iwapo Mkataba elekezi ungefuatwa Tanzania ingebakia na uniti 240 sawa na 24% ya gesi asilia iliyozalishwa.

Natoa rai kwa vyombo vya habari nchini kuandika masuala haya bila kuyumba maana yanahusu utajiri wa nchi yetu. Dhahabu imebakia mashimo kwa sababu Tanzania ililala na watawala kuandika mikataba ya hovyo. Tusilale kwenye Gesi Asilia. Wakati wa kutaka mikataba kuwa wazi ni sasa. Huu mmoja tu wa StatOil tunaweza kupoteza shilingi 1.6 trilioni, hiyo mingine 26 je? Nchi itabakia kweli? Tusikubali majibu mepesi. Tutake mikataba iwekwe wazi. Uwazi huleta uwajibikaji.

Zitto Kabwe, Mb

17 Julai, 2014

 

Mkataba wa Gesi umevuja: #Tanzania kupoteza shs 1.6 trilioni kwa mwaka – #Norway kujirudishia misaada yake yote nchini kupitia mkataba huu

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Mkataba wa Gesi umevuja: Tanzania kupoteza shs 1.6 trilioni kwa mwaka

-       Norway kujirudishia misaada yake yote nchini kupitia mkataba huu

 Zitto Kabwe, Mb

Mkataba wa mgawanyo wa mapato yanayotokana na uzalishaji wa Gesi Asilia (PSA) kati ya Shirika la Mafuta na Gesi Tanzania na Kampuni ya Mafuta ya Norway umevujishwa (https://onedrive.live.com/view.aspx?cid=0EC42B180C06D0B8&resid=EC42B180C06D0B8%21107&app=WordPdf). Toka Mkataba huo uvuje na kuanza mijadala kwenye mitandao ya kijamii, habari zake zimekuwa zinazimwa na hivyo kukosa kabisa mjadala mpana kitaifa na hasa kwa wananchi wenye rasilimali zao. Mwanzoni wengi wetu tulidhani (kwa makosa) kuwa tatizo la mkataba huu ni eneo la umiliki wa kampuni tu (shareholding) kulingana na namna ulivyowasilishwa, kumbe mgawanyo mzima wa mapato unakwenda kinyume na maelezo ya Serikali na TPDC kwa umma.

Mkataba uliovuja unaonyesha kwamba makubaliano ambayo Serikali imeingia na Wawekezaji hawa kutoka Norway yanaenda kinyume kabisa na mfano wa mkataba unaotakiwa kusainiwa (Model PSA). Kwa mujibu wa makala iliyoandikwa na jarida la mtandaoni ( http://africanarguments.org/2014/07/04/leaked-agreement-shows-tanzania-may-not-get-a-good-deal-for-gas-by-ben-taylor/ ) Tanzania itapoteza zaidi ya shilingi 1.6 trilioni kila mwaka kulingana na viwango vya uzalishaji wa gesi asilia katika Kitalu namba 2. Kitalu hiki kinamilikiwa na Kampuni ya StatOil ya Norway na kampuni ya ExxonMobil ya Marekani. Norway ni nchi inayosifika duniani kwa kupambana na rushwa na kwa kutumia vizuri rasilimali yake ya mafuta.

Uchambuzi nilioufanya kulingana na viwango vya mgawo wa mapato kati ya ‘model’ PSA na mkataba huu unaonyesha kwamba Tanzania itapata mgawo kiduchu sana na kinyume na mgawo unavyopaswa kuwa. Mgawanyo ni  kama ifuatavyo katika majedwali hapa chini; Ikumbukwe kuwa mgawanyo huu hupatikana baada ya mwekezaji kuondoa gharama zake za uzalishaji, kinachobakia ndio hugawanywa kati ya mwekezaji na Tanzania.

Jedwali 1 Mkataba wa mgawanyo wa Mapato unaopaswa kutumiwa na TPDC (Model PSA) katika Mikataba na Wawekezaji

Viwango vya uzalishaji kila siku (MMscf per Day) Mgawo wa TPDC (Profit Gas)  Mgawo wa Mwekezaji (Profit Gas)
0 249.999 50 50
250 499.999 55 45
500 749.999 60 40
750 999.999 65 35
1000 1249.999 70 30
1250 1499.999 75 25
1500 Above 1500 80 20

 

Jedwali 2 Mkataba wa mgawanyo wa Mapato kati ya TPDC na Statoil/ExxonMobil.

Viwango vya uzalishaji kila siku (MMscf per Day) Mgawo wa TPDC (Profit Gas)  Mgawo wa Mwekezaji (Share of Profit Gas)
0 299.999 30 70
300 599.999 35 65
600 899.999 37.5 62.5
900 119.999 40 60
1200 1499.999 45 55
1500 Above 1500 50 50

 

Ukilinganisha majdwali haya utaona kwamba mgawanyo wa mapato utafaidisha zaidi kampuni ya StatOil na ni kinyume kabisa na mkataba unavyopaswa kuwa.

Wakati mgawo wa nusu kwa nusu upo katika uzalishaji wa chini kabisa kwenye ‘model PSA’, kwenye mkataba wa StatOil mgawo huo upo kwenye uzalishaji wa juu kabisa. Ukilinganisha mgawanyo huu wa mapato, iwapo kiwango cha ‘model PSA’ kingetumika Tanzania ingepata shilingi 1.6 trilioni zaidi ya kiwango itakachopata kwenye mkataba wa sasa uliovujishwa. Hii ni kutokana na Bei ambazo Shirika la Fedha la Kimataifa limeweka katika uchambuzi wake (https://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/scr/2014/cr14121.pdf ) kuhusu Gesi asilia ya Tanzania.

Kwa mujibu wa Mwandishi Ben Taylor katika makala iliyotajwa hapo juu, kiwango cha mapato ambacho Kampuni ya StatOil ya Norway itajipatia kutokana na mkataba huu wa kinyonyaji, katika kipindi cha miaka 15 ya kuzalisha Gesi Asilia nchini itakuwa ni sawa sawa na misaada yote ambayo Tanzania imepata kutoka Norway toka Tanzania ipate uhuru wake mwaka 1961. Tangu Tanzania ipate Uhuru Norway imetoa misaada ya thamani ya $2.5 bilioni, wakati kwa mkataba huu na Kampuni ya StatOil ambayo inamilikiwa na Serikali ya Norway, kwa miaka 15 watapata $5.6 bilioni. Kwa hiyo kwa miaka 7 tu Norway itakuwa imerudisha misaada yote yake mara mbili zaidi!

Kuvuja kwa Mkataba huu kumesaidia sana kuona ukweli wa matamko ya viongozi wetu kuhusu ni namna gani Tanzania itafaidika na utajiri wake wa gesi. Kama kwa mkataba huu mmoja tu Taifa litapoteza matrilioni ya fedha kiasi hiki, ipoje hiyo mikataba mingine 29? Hivi sasa ugunduzi wa Gesi Asilia nchini ni lita za ujazo trilioni 51 ambayo ni sawa na mapipa bilioni 10 ya Mafuta. Katika Gesi Asilia yote iliyopatikana nchini, StatOil peke yao wana jumla ya lita za uzajo trilioni 20, sawa sawa na mapipa ya mafuta bilioni 4 (zaidi ya mafuta yaliyogunduliwa nchini Uganda na Ghana kwa pamoja). Hata hivyo utajiri wote huu utainufaisha zaidi Norway na Marekani kupitia makampuni yao kuliko watu wa Tanzania. Watanzania watabakia wanapewa misaada ya vyandarua na mataifa haya ilhali wanafaidi Gesi Asilia yetu.

Natoa wito kwa Wizara ya Nishati na Madini kutoa tamko kuhusu mkataba huu kati ya Shirika la TPDC na StatOil. Vile vile Kampuni hii ya StatOil kutoka nchi rafiki mkubwa wa Tanzania ina wajibu wa kutoa maelezo ya kina kuhusiana na mkataba huu. Serikali ieleze ni hatua gani inachukua kurekebisha Mkataba huu. StatOil nao waeleze watachukua hatua gani kuhakikisha wanaacha unyonyaji huu mkubwa na wa aibu kwa Taifa la Norway.

Sasa ni wakati mwafaka Watanzania kuweza kuona mikataba yote ya Gesi na Mafuta ambayo Serikali imeingia na Wawekezaji. Uwazi wa Mikataba sasa. Nimewahi kuandika huko nyuma (http://zittokabwe.wordpress.com/2012/09/17/press-release-contracts-review-is-a-publicity-stunt-and-creation-of-unnecessary-uncertainty-in-the-sector/ ) kwamba njia pekee ya Watanzania kufaidika na utajiri wa rasilimali zao ni kuhimiza uwazi wa Mikataba. Mkataba huu wa StatOil uliovujishwa uwe ni chachu ya kulazimisha Serikali na Makampuni kuweka mikataba yao wazi. Tuanze mashinikizo haya sasa kwa faida ya vizazi vijavyo.

Written by zittokabwe

July 6, 2014 at 11:02 AM

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Tanzania to lose up to $1b under StatOil PSA: Open these Oil and Gas Contracts

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Tanzania to lose up to $1b under StatOil PSA: Open these Oil and Gas Contracts

ZZK

Zitto Kabwe, MP

When news of the leaked Production Sharing Agreement (PSA) between Tanzania Petroleum Development Corporation (TPDC) and Norweigean State Company StatOil came out through social networks, the discussion was muted. When a blogger Ben Taylor wrote a brief about it, some of us saw how serious the issue is. According to the article http://africanarguments.org/2014/07/04/leaked-agreement-shows-tanzania-may-not-get-a-good-deal-for-gas-by-ben-taylor/ Tanzania may be losing up to $1 billion each year depending on the levels of production of natural gas. However, very few people may understand. Took a liberty to simplify the leak and comparing it with the Model PSA which shall be used as a benchmark for these contracts.

Q What exactly is the document?

The leaked document isn’t the PSA per se, but an addendum to the original PSA for Block 2 to take account of the fact that the discoveries are of natural gas, not oil.

The original PSA was agreed with Statoil in 2007 (source, Statoil website). This would have been under Minister Karamagi. The original PSA was presumably based on 2004 Model PSA (pdf). The addendum signed with Statoil was based on the Model PSA Addendum for Natural Gas, finalised in 2008 to take account of contract terms for gas.

The addendum was signed in February 2012, when William Ngeleja was minister.

Q So the leaked PSA is the same as the publicly available model?

For the most part yes, but for the most important part, no. The Model PSA Addendum sets out the following profit gas sharing ratios as seen in Table 1.

 

Table 1 Model PSA Addendum for Natural Gas suggested terms.

Tranches of daily total

Production rates in each of the Contract Areas (MMscf per Day)

TPDC Share of Profit Gas

 

Contractor Share of Profit Gas
0 249.999 50 50
250 499.999 55 45
500 749.999 60 40
750 999.999 65 35
1000 1249.999 70 30
1250 1499.999 75 25
1500 Above 1500 80 20

 

The actual agreed profit gas sharing terms are quite different, as seen in Table 2.

Table 2 Statoil agreed profit gas sharing terms as per leaked document.

Tranches of daily total

Production rates in each of the Contract Areas (MMscf per Day)

TPDC Share of Profit Gas

 

Contractor Share of Profit Gas
0 299.999 30 70
300 599.999 35 65
600 899.999 37.5 62.5
900 119.999 40 60
1200 1499.999 45 55
1500 Above 1500 50 50

 

Clearly, the agreed terms are much better for Statoil and Exxon than the proposed terms.

Q Any other significant terms in the agreement that differ from the model?

Yes. Article 8.1 (i) sets out the Domestic Market Obligation. Ten percent of production is to be reserved for the domestic market. This figure is not included in the model PSA Addendum. The model states that when the proven accessible reserves are determined, then the parties will agree on how much should go into the Gas Commercialisation Project (i.e. the LNG plant) and how much into the domestic market.

The question that arises from this is, by 2012, were the ‘proven reserves’ determined. If so, how much were they?

We know that BG is seeking to have their 10 percent market obligation reduced to zero. At a meeting with stakeholders late last year, they said it was the biggest issue between them and government.

So, are Statoil / Exxon also seeking to have the 10 percent domestic obligation removed?

Was the figure reasonable in the first place?

Q How does this leak affect the conversation about revenues?

Considerably. The IMF released a projection of revenues from LNG (. One key assumption made by that report is that cost recovery is capped at 70 per cent of production and that sharing is on the basis of a six step model with a lowest government share of 35 percent and a highest of 60 percent.

The 70 percent cost recovery limit is founded in the leaked PSA. However, the sharing ratio is quite different. The Model Addendum proposed a seven step model with government share ranging from 50 to 80 percent.

The actual Statoil / Exxon agreement is a six step model with government share ranging from a low 30 percent to just 50 percent at the highest levels.

This makes us ask the question, where did the IMF get the idea of using a six step model in the range of 35 to 60 percent shares for government, when the model was a seven step model ranging from 50 to 80 and the actual Statoil / Exxon agreement was a six step model, ranging from 30 to 50 for government share?

Q Have any other PSAs in Tanzania or the region been released?

In Tanzania, no PSAs have been released. However, Swala Energy in a prospectus they released last year (very big pdf) set out the substantive terms of the two PSAs they hold in Tanzania and the single PSA they hold in Kenya. This type of disclosure is common for small companies seeking to raise capital on stock markets. In fact, the information released in the Swala prospectus goes beyond what is in the leaked Statoil / Exxon addendum and includes the work programme and obligatory payments such as training levy etc.

In Kenya, the CAMAC PSA has been released to the New York Stock Exchange, again to facilitate raising capital. Typically large firms such Statoil or BG are not obliged by capital markets to release individual PSAs, as their overall business isn’t dependent on any single PSA. But small firms such as Swala or CAMAC are often obliged to do so when going to markets.

Q Is it fair that small firms like Swala have to release the terms of their PSAs but big firms like Statoil and BG do not?

Of course not!

Conclusions

For Tanzania to transform our wealth in natural resources to benefit the entire society, TRANSPARENCY must be a key. Let us make a campaign to make all these contracts in Oil and Gas open.

Written by zittokabwe

July 4, 2014 at 3:50 PM

Posted in Uncategorized

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